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THE LIFE 



OP 



Benedict Arnold-, 



HIS 



PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 



BY 

ISAAC ]^: AEXOLD, 

\v 
AUTHOR OP 
*' LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN." 



" I have done the state some service, and thoy know it. 
No more of that.— I pray you, in your letters, 
When you shall these unlucky deeds relate, 
Speak of me as I am; nothing extenuate, 
Nor set down aught in maiice." 

"He will give the devil his due," 





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K.'Gfy , 




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CHICAGO: 




JANSEN, 


McCLURG & COMPANY. 

1880. 

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COPYRIGHT : 

Jansen, McClurg & Co. 

A. D. 1879. 



STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED 
BY 
THE CHICAGO LEGAL NEWS COMPANY. 



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0+- 



INTEODUCTION. 



Standing, not very long ago, on the battle-field ot Saratoga, 
near where Benedict Arnold was grievously wounded, as he 
led as gallant a charge as was ever made, I realized that if he 
had died on that bloody field how brilliant would have been 
his record as a soldier and patriot. His name, associated with 
those of Montgomery and Warren, would have been canonized 
in American history, and his faults and foibles would have been 
lost in the blaze of glory which would have encircled it. 

Standing there, I was impressed with the injustice v/hich 
has been done him; not in condemning his treason, but in 
ignoring his virtues, and in refusing to recognize his great 
services; and I resolved to tell the story of his life truthfully 
and fairly. Yet conscious of the deep and merited and univer- 
sal prejudice existing against him, I fear the American people 
will listen with some impatience to such a story of his life. 
He was not so black as he has been painted. I have no 
desire to change the indignation and resentment felt towards 
him for his treason. I can neither excuse nor extenuate his 
guilt. But I wish to make known his patriotic services, his 
sufferings, heroism, and the wrongs which drove him to desper- 
ation, and converted one of the most heroic men of a heroic 
age to the perpetration of an unpardonable crime. I wish to 
introduce one drop of pity into the bitter cup of indignant de- 

(3) 



4 INTRODUCTION. 

nunciation which has been so constantly poured upon his head. 

The time may come — I think there are indications of its 
approach — when there will mingle with his condemnation that 
'• infinite pity," which George William Curtis, standing on 
Bemis' Heights, so eloquently expressed in his oration on the 
Surrender of Burgoyne — " infinite pity," that a nature so heroic, 
and with a record so brilliant, should have been driven, by a 
sense of bitter wrong and the violence of his passions, to a crime 
so inexcusable. 

On the exposure of his treason, it became the passionate 
desire of a whole nation to blacken his character. Instantly he 
became an outcast and an outlaw. Every pen denounced, 
and every tongfue cursed him. If this had been confined to his 
treason, none would have questioned its justice, but in their just 
hatred, the people wished to make him wholly odious. He who 
had been the trusted friend of Washington and Warren and 
Schuyler, was now declared guilty of every crime, and denied 
a sin2:le virtue. Even his undeniable bravery, exhibited on so 
many battle-fields, was declared to be only " Dutch courage." 
He who in Philadelphia and elsewhere had been the courteous 
and honored host, at whose table the highest and most intelli- 
gent officers of the army and of civil life were glad to meet, 
was now declared a " low, vulgar, illiterate horse-jockey and 
skipper." These were the natural results of his odious crime. 
But Arnold was not the first character in history who has shown 
that great crimes are not incompatible with great virtues. 
The great duke of Marlborough was, according to Macaulay, 

doubly a traitor: false and treacherous to James and the Prince 
of Orange in turn — both a spy and a traitor.* And yet, go to 

1. " Not till the archives of the House of Stewart were exposed, was it kiioAvn 
" to the world that Talmash had perished by the basest of the hundred villainies 
"of Marlborough."— Afac«M?a2/'s England, V. 7, p. 323. 



INTRODUCTION. 5 

the palace of Blenheim, and behold how England forgave Lis 
crimes and rewarded his virtues. 

It is difficult to conceive of darker and more execrable 
crimes than those of David, the great king of Israel — murder 
and perfidy from the vilest motives! And yet the heart that 
conceived and executed the trea,cherous murder of Uriah, indict- 
ed the Psalms, and was so tender and affectionate that David 
would have gladly died for the unnatural Absalom! 

The king rejDented and God and man forgave him. If we 
cannot forgive Arnold, we can and ought to be just to him. 

To him *' sharper than a serpent's tooth " was the ingrati- 
tude of his country, and crazed and maddened by his wrongs, 
real and imaginary, when the tempter came, he fell. His pun- 
ishment was, and will be, forever terrible; poor Andre's was 
comparatively light — "a momentary pang," as he expressed it, 
when he mounted the scaffold. General Arnold's after life 
must have been a long agony of remorse, chagrin and disap- 
pointment. The ever consciousness of a great crime • and a 
still greater blunder, must have given him a lifelong heartache; 
and to his name, which down to that fatal «vent had been 
amono; the most brilliant of American soldiers, ht brouo-ht 
the punishment of everlasting infamy. 

But before his treason he had been a self-sacrificing, zealous 
patriot, shedding his blood like water for his country. I wish 
to portray him as sueh patriot — to tell the story of his life up to 
the time of his fall, as it would have been told had he died on 
the bloody field of Saratoga. 

This part of his life I shall demonstrate, has not been fairly, 

"He (Marlborough) had while commanding William's troops, while sitting at 
William's council, while waiting in William's bed-chamber, formed the most artf "1 
and dangerous plot for the subversion of William's throne."— ifacau^a^'s England, 
y. 7, p. 324. 



6 INTEODUCTION. 

truthfully written. I wish the American people, the world, to 
know how his services, his heroism, his energy, his ability, were 
regarded by Washington, Schuyler, Montgomery, Gates, Green, 
and Lamb and Yarick and Livingston, his fellow soldiers; and 
by Warren, Lee and Chase, and Carroll, of Carrollton, and 
Jay, Clinton and others, at the time^ before the clouds which his 
defection caused had thrown their dark shadows backward as 
well as forward, and darkened his whole life. I shall try to 
exhibit Benedict Arnold as Washington saw him, as Schuyler 
knew him, as Warren understood him, and as Varick and Liv- 
ingston appreciated him. When the story of his life as an 
American patriot and soldier has been told, then the dark 
shadows of his treason and subsequent suffering will follow. 

His capacities for good and for evil were very great; ever the 
generous and liberal friend, he was a proud, bitter and unyield- 
ing enemy. During one period of his life he was the brilliant, 
dashing soldier, possessed of a hopeful and sanguine temper- 
ament, which no difficulty nor danger could overcome, and his 
wonderful successes prove, that with all his reckless daring, he 
united great pjjil, forethought, and readiness of invention. 
His life^ "^uU of dramatic interest, and while true to his flag, 
^r^ r^'-^/eer of no soldier of the Revolution is more full of thrill- 
ing incidents, heroic deeds, and examples of fortitude and 
energy. When driven to desperation, wounded by injustice, 
disappointed and chagrined, he became bitter and revengeful, 
and seemed willing to sacrifice the cause for which he had so 
often bled, so that his enemies should be crushed in the ruins. 
The story of this strange life, Arnold as patriot and traitor, I 
shall endeavor truthfully to tell, and in such a spirit as to merit, 
and I trust, to obtain, the sympathy of all lovers of fair play. 

The identity in the name of the author and the subject, and 



INTRODUCTIONS'. 7 

possibly the treatment, may suggest a relationship which does 
not exist. Had General Arnold died on Lake Champlain, when 
desperately fighting with bis single vessel the whole British 
fleet, that the remainder of his own might escape; or had the 
bullet that shattered his .leg while leading his troops in the 
assault on Quebec pierced his heart, there would hav^e been 
found among those who now bear the name, many who 
would have proudly claimed a blood relationship. As it is, I 
have met very few indeed who admit such kinship. I did, in- 
deed, once hear a beautiful and spirited young lady, of very 
great taste, culture and talent, audaciously and ironically say 
she had the best blood of any family in the republic, for she 
was related to Benedict Arnold by one of her parents, and 
Aaron Burr by the other! 

Two hundred and fifty or three hundred years ago there was 
a common ancestor of General Arnold and the author, and un- 
der these circumstances I shall be pardoned the egotism of say- 
ing that my grandfather, Thomas Arnold, was an humble sol- 
dier in the war of the Revolution, and vf2i^ faithful j and that 
such was his admiration of the commander-in-chief, that he 
gave to my father the name of George Washington. 

I have endeavored to make an exhaustive investigation of 
facts in rel^,tion to General Arnold. I. have consulted his 
manuscript letters in the Force collection in the library of Con- 
gress; manuscript letters of Arnold and his wife and sister, in 
the Department of State at Washington; the very large and 
valuable Schuyler manuscripts in the possession of the fam- 
ilv of General Schuyler; and the Gates and Lamb papers, in 
the possession of the New York Historical Society. 

Also the Shippen papers and Shippen manuscripts, ^hich 
contain letters from General Arnold and his wife, from the 



8 INTRODUCTIOX. 

time of ArnoUFs courtship and marriage to tbe^day of liis 
death, in 1801. 

Also the correspondence of his children in England, with 
Chief- Justice Shippen; letters from his wife and children to 
and from his sister, Hannah Arnold, and his sons by his first 
wife — Richard and Henry — in Canada. I am especially in- 
debted to Edward Shippen, of Philadelphia, and to the fam- 
ily of a granddaughter of Arnold, in Canada, for very valuable 
and new material; also to a grandson of General Arnold — the 
Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold, of Great Massingham Rectory, 
Norfolk, England, for many valuable letters and manuscript 
documents of great historic interest, and many incidents rela- 
ting to the life of his grandfather and family in England. 

From these papers and persons, from the writings of Wash- 
ington, and Force's American Archives, and other sources, I 
have drawn the material for the following work. I think I have 
been able to contribute something new and valuable, and con- 
siderable that is not generally known to this part of American 
history. 

For General Arnold, the patriot and soldier, I ask a fair 
hearing and justice; for Benedict x\rnold, thd traitor, I have no 
.plea, but "guilty." 

September, 1870. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER T. 



HIS EARLY LIFE. 



The Ancestors of Benedict Arnold — His own luunediate Family, and 
Early life— His Feats of Daring— Education— Marriage — His First 
Duel, 15-32 



CHAPTER II. 

TICOXDEROGA AND CROWX POIXT. 

The Boston Massacre — Arnold's Fiery Patriotism— His Letter — Battle of 
Lexington — Capt. Arnold Volunteers and Leads his Company to Cam- 
bridge—Expedition to Ticonderoga — Captures St, Johns — Warren his 
Friend — Injustice to Arnold — Death of his Wife — Touching Letter of 
his Sister, Hannah Arnold, 33-48 



CHAPTER III. 

EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 

Expedition to Quebec, and March Through the Wilderness — Arnold pro- 
poses the Expedition to Washington — Washington Approves, and 
Selects for it " Picked Men " of his Army, and Gives the Command 
to Arnold — Their Difficulties, Sufferings and Dangers — Enos gets 
frightened and Abandons his Comrades — Arnold, with Morgan, 
Pushes on — Provisions Exhausted — Arnold with Six Men Makes a 
Forced March to the Canadian Settlements, Obtains Foo.d, and Snv^^s 
the Detachment, 49-72 

■ (9) 



10 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

ASSAULT UPON QUEBEC. 

Arnold Holds an Indian Council— His Speech to the Indians— Crosses the 
St. Lawrence, Climbs to the Plains of Abraham, and Menaces Que- 
bec—Receives thanks of Washington and Schuyler — Montgomery and 
Arnold Assault Quebec— Montgomery Killed— Arnold Shot while 
Leading the " Forlorn Hope "—Made a Brigadier-General— Blockades 
Quebec, 73-88 

CHAPTER V. 

RETREAT FROM CANADA. 

The Affair at the Cedars— Visit of Franklin, Chase and Carroll to Arnold's 
Quarters— The Seizure of Goods in Montreal — Trial of Colonel Hazen 
by Court-Martial — Controversy Between Arnold and the Court — 
Chai-ges against Arnold by Lieut. Col. John Brown — Action thereon 
by Wooster, Schujder and Gates — Charges Declared by Congress to 
be Cruel and Groundless — Arnold's Retreat fr^^m Canada, . 89-104 

CHAPTER VI. 

NAVAL BATTLE OF VALCOUR ISLAND. 

The British, Greatly Superior in Numbers and in Guns, Attack the Amei- 
ican Fleet under Arnold, on Lake Champlain — The Fight Continues 
from Noon until Night, when the British Retire — The Americans Es- 
cape Through the British liine — Are Overtaken, and Arnold, in the 
Congress, Fights and Retards the Enemy until his^ other Vessels Es- 
c^pe — He Runs the Congress Ashore, Burns her, and with his Men, 
Reaches Ticonderoga, 105-120 

CHAPTER VII. 

ARNOLD SUPERSEDED HIS FIGHT AT RIDGEFIELD, ETC. 

Arnold in Washington's Camp — Sent to Rhode Island — Advances £1,000 
to aid Lamb in Raising his Regiment — Offers Himself to the Beauti- 
ful Miss Deblois — Five Junior Brigadiers Promoted over Him — 
Withholds his Resignation, at Washington's request — Desperate 
Battle, and F?cape at Ridgefield — Congress Vote him a Horse, and 
Commission him a Major-General — Declare the Charges of Brown to 
be Cruel Aspersions upon his Character — Washington begs Congress 
to send him North to aid in Repelling Burgoyne, . . 121-139 



CONTENTS. 11 

CHAPTER VIII. 

CAMPAIGN ON THE MOHAWK, AND RELIEF OF FORT STANWIX. 

St. Leger Invests Fort Stanwix — Herkimer going- to its relief, falls into 
an Ambuscade, and at the Battle of Oriskany is Mortally Wounded — 
Arnold Volunteers to go to the relief of Gansevoort — Reaches German 
Flats, and although a Council of War resolve that they must wait for 
Reinforcements, lie determines to "Push forward and hazard a Bat- 
tle," rather than see the Garrison fall — He resorts to a Ruse — He 
Frightens the Indians, who abandon the Siege, and Fort Stanwix is 
relieved, 140-162 



CHAPTER IX. 

FIRST BATTLE NEAR SARATOGA. 

Battle of 19th of September — Arnold leads the Troops to Victory — Error 
of Bancroft — Testimony of Cols. Varick and Livingston, Generals 
Schuyler, Burgojme, and others — Verdict of Irving, Lossing, and 
others, 163-190 



CHAPTER X. 

SECOND BATTLE OF SARATOGA. 

Quarrel between Gates and Arnold — Action of October 7th — Heroism of 
Arnold — Gates tries in vain to recall him from the Field — Morgan, by 
direction of Arnold, orders his Riflemen to Fire at Fraser — Fraser 
Shot — Senator Foster's Account of Arnold's Charge, as witnessed by 
his Father — Arnold Shot — Saves the Life of the Soldier who Shot him 
— Congress votes him Thanks and the Rank hitherto Refused — Wash- 
ington Sends him his New, Ante- dated Commission, and Declares he 
is Restored "to a Violated Right," ..... 191-211 



CHAPTER XI. 

Washington's friendship — Arnold's generosity. 

Arnold's Wound — He is carried to Albany, thence to Connecticut — Recep- 
tion at New Haven — Receives Pistols, Epaulettes and Sword- Knots 
from Washington — He supplies Money for the Education and Mainten- 
ance of the Oi-phans of General Warren — Goes to Valley Forge — 
Washington Assigns him to Command of Philadelphia, . 212-221 



12 CONTENTS, 

CHAPTER XII. 
Arnold's courtship and marriage. 
Philadelphia during the Revolution — Arnold Assumes Command, and 
Succeeds Sir William Howe in Occupying the Penn House — The 
Shippen Family — Major John Andre — The "Mischienza" — Peggy 
Shippen, the Belle of Philadelphia — Arnold her Suitor — His Courtship 
— Settles upon her Mt. Pleasant — Marriage and Domestic Life — Letter 
of Hannah Arncld to Mrs. Arnold at West Point, . . 222-286 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Arnold's controversy with the authorities of Penn- 
sylvania. 

Arnold's Conduct in Command of Philadelphia — His Controversy with 
President Reed and the Authorities of Pennsjdvania — The Ac- 
tion of Congress — Reports of Committees Exonerating Him — A 
Court-Martial Ordered for his Trial, .... 237-249 



CHAPTER XIV. 
Arnold's trial — Washington's reprimand. 

Arnold's Trial Continued — His Defense — Judgment of the Court — Wash- 
ington's Reprimand and Eulogy, 250-264 

CHAPTER XY. 

Arnold's treason. 

The Motives which Led to Arnold's Treason — His Wrongs — Inducements 
Held Out to Him by British Emissaries — They try to Convince Him 
the Contest Hopeless, and that England offers All for Which he Drew 
his Sword — Supposed Meeting between Him and Beverly Robinson — 
Letter to Arnold Attributed to Robinson by Marbois — Arnold yields 
to the Temptations Offered, and Seeks the Command of West Point- 
Meets Washington at King's Ferry, who OftV-rs Him the Command of 
the Left Wing of his Army— Tradition that Arnold said his Defection 
was to Prevent more Bloodshed — Meeting of Arnold and Andre — Sup- 
posed Conversation between Them — Andre's Capture — His Letter to 
Washington, 265-298 



CONTENTS. lo 

CHAPTER XVI. 
Arnold's escape — andke's execution*. 

Arnold Hears of Andre's Capture — Flies to the Vulture — Washington 
Arrives at West Point — Mrs. Arnold's Distress — Arnold's Letter to 
Washington, Declaring Her Innocence, and Begging AVashington to 
Protect Her — Declares His Military Family Innocent — Hannah Ar- 
nold's Letter Begging the Pity of all Her Friends, and Praying Them 
not to Forsake Her — Andre's Trial as a Spy — Efforts to Save His Life 
— Arnold's alleged offer to Surrender Himself in Exchange — Andre's 
Execution, 294-315 



CHAPTER XVII. 

MRS. Arnold's innocence — was andre a spy? 

Was Mrs. Arnold Guilty of Complicity with her Husband's Treason? — 
Was Andre a Spy, and Executed in Accordance with the Laws of 
War? 316-328 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

ARNOLD VAINLY ATTEMPTS TO JUSTIFY HIS TREASON. 

Arnold in New York City — His Address to the American People — His 
Proclamation to the Otficers and Soldiers of the American Army — At- 
tempt to Kidnap Him— His Wife Joins Him in New York, . 329-341 

CHAPTER XIX. 

ARNOLD LEADS BRITISH SOLDIERS AGAINST HIS NATIVE COUNTRY. 

Arnold Leads an Expedition Against Virginia and Connecticut — Massa- 
cre at Fort Griswold — Arnold's Narrow Escape from Death by the 
Hands of a Woman at New London, .... 342-354 



CHAPTER XXr 




ARNOLD AT THE COURT OF GE0RGE THE III. 

f 

Arnold's Departure with Lord Cornwallis for England — His Reception 
by the King and Cabinet — His Paper on a Reunion Between the Col- 
onies and the Crown — General and Mrs. Arnold at Andre's Monu- 
ment in Westminster Abbey, ..... 355-366 



14 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXI. 

GENERAL ARNOLD ENGAGES IN BUSINESS. 

Arnold Settles in Portman Square, London— He Lives Beyond his 

Means— En g-ages in Trade— Removes to SL John's, New Brunswick 

—His Family Correspondence— Mrs. Arnold Visits her Family at 

Philaelphia, o67-374 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Arnold's duel with the earl of lauderdale. 

Arnold and Talleyrand— Arnold's Duel with the Earl of Lauderdale—* 
Statement of Lord Hawke— Mrs. Arnold's Letters to her Father and 
to Richard Arnold, Giving an Account of the Duel, . 375-384 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

SERVICES IN THE WEST INDIES HIS DEATH. 

General Arnold in 1794 Fits out a Ship for the West Indies— Ship Lost— 
At Gaudaloupe— His Danger— Escapes to the English Fleet— His Ser- 
vices to the Government in the West Indies — Receives the Thanks of 
the Planters— The King Grants to Him 13,500 Acres of Canada Lands 
for his "Gallantry," &c.— He Begs the Duke of York for Military 
Service Against the French— His Death. . , . 385-398 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE FAMILY OF GENERAL ARNOLD. 

Mrs. Arnold's Executive Ability— She Settles General Arnold's Estate 
and Pays his Debts— Educates her Children, and Procures for her 
Sons Commissions in the Army— Her Death— The Arnold Family in 
Canada — " Poor Ben's " Death from a Wound Received in Battle — 
Tlie Family in England — All the Sons in the Public Service — James 
Appointed Military Aid to the King— Attains the Rank of Lieut. 
General— A Grandson Killed at Sebastopol, . . . 399-417 

APPENDIX, . 419 

INDEX, 429 



LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 



\ 



CHAPTER I. 



HIS EARLY LIFE. 

" For I was wayward, bold and wild, 

A self willed imp." 

— Marmion. 

" A great, a gifted, but a turbid soul 

" Struggled and chafed within that stripling's breast. 
" Passion which none might conquer or control." 

The Ancestors of Benedict Arnold— His own Immediate Family, and Early 
Life— His Feats op Daring— Education— Marriage— His First Duel. 

TtME, by bringing to light new mannscripts, is constantly 
increasing the accuracy and completeness of our knowledge 
of the Revolution. As events recede into the past, this 
period of American history is becoming more and more 
attractive and picturesque. 

The name of Benedict Arnold is doomed to live in that 
history forever as the only conspicuous instance of treason : 
" Sadly conspicuous," as Washington Irving says, " to the 
end of time." His punishment has been terrible but just. 
In the sense in which Satan has been called the hero of 
Paradise Lost, he was one of tlie heroes of the revolutionary 
war. One great crime obliterated the memory of years of 
hard and patriotic service. A century has gone since his 
abortive conspiracy, and there is, I think, a dis]30sition to 
be less relentless — I mav say more just to his memorv. 

. " (15) 



IG LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

There is a williiigness to look Leliiiid the black shadow of 
his treason; to recognize behind the traitor of West Point 
the hero of Saratoga. In proportion as history is severe, it 
should be scrupulously just. With the conviction that 
General Arnold has not had fair treatment; that Tn's life as 
a patriot and^soJ^ex^jjipuJdJje^Jr^j^^ I ask a 

hearing. . 

William Arnold, born in Leamington, England, in 
1587, settled in Providence in 1636, was the ancestor of the 
Arnolds of Rhode Island and Connecticut. He was a con- 
temporary of Roger AVilliams, and associated w^ith him as 
one of tlie iifty-four proprietors in the first settlement of the 
first named little commonwealth. His ancestors in Enor- 
land, and still earlier in Wales, were highly resp ectable, 
and their lineage has been traced back for sev^eral centu- 
ries. There is a genealogy of tlie family of apparent ac- 
curacy, going back to the year 1100, and naming Mon- 
mouthsliire, AVales, as the place where the family originated. 
AVilliam,' the founder of the family in Rhode Island, had 
three sons, Benedict, Thomas and Stephen. Benedict, tlie 
eldest, removed to Newport about the year 1653.'' 

1. He was the son of Thomns Arnold, of Melcome Hersey, of Cheselbourne, 
Coiinty of Dorset, England, who was son of Richard Arnold, Lord of the manor of 
ragbere, Parish of Middleton, Oo. of Dorset. 

it'ce Arnold Genealogy in N. Y. His. Society. 

2. I have received from a grand daughter of General Arnold, residing in Cana- 
da, a cnrioiis, atitique paper, apparently of ante-revolutionary origin, containing a 
genealogy of some of the Arnold family, from 1571 to 1776. Some parts of it seem 
to have been prepared by Governor Benedict Arnold, the successor of Roger Wil- 
liams, as President and Governor of the Colony, He says : 

"We came from Providence with our family todwellin Newport, in Rhode Island, 
the 19th of November, Thursday in afternoon, and arrived ye same night, ^nno Do- 
mini 1651. Memorandum : my father and his family sett sayle from Dartmouth, in 
old England, the first of May, Friday, and arrived at New England June 24th. anno 
Domini 1635. IMem'n : We came to Providence to dwell the 20th of April, 1636. 
Mcmoratidnm. 

" Benedict and Demaris Arnold were married the 17th of December, anno Domini 
16-10. Our Sonne Benedict was born February 10, 1641— beirtg our Ih'st-born, and bear- 
cst therefore his father's name— about two hours before day. 

" Our second sonne we named Caleb. He was born the 19th of December, anno 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 17 

lie succeeded Eoger Williains as President of the Colo- 
ny, under the first cliarter, and was several times elected 
Governor under the second charter; serving as Governor 
irom 1663 to 1666, and from May, 1669, to 1672; also from 
1677 to 1678, when he died.' 

The son of Governor Benedict Arnold, named Benedict, 
was a member of the Assembly in 1695, and the grandson, 
also named Benedict, moved to J^orwich, Connecticut, in 
1730, and was the father of the subject of this memoir. 
He was by trade a cooper, carrying on the business quite 
largely, and in addition he engaged in general traffic, own- 
ing several vessels, and sometimes commanding them, and 
making voyages along the coast, and to the West Indies. 
As the commander of his own vessels he acquired the title 
of captain, by which he was generally designated. He was 
respected by his townsmen, and by their selection held vari- 
ous town offices, such as surveyor, collector, lister (assessor) 
and selectman. He married Nov. 8, 1733, Hannah, the 
young and " beautiful " widow of Absalom King, her maiden 
name being Waterman. Her family was respected, and she 
herself was distinguished for her piety, good sense and 
rigid Puritan character. She was a strict Presbyterian, 
of the type of that day and colony, but in her this form of 
Christianity was softened and made gentle and sweet by a 
most affectionate, and kind disposition.^ 

1646, about 8 o'clock in the evening. We called him Caleb, in memory of that 
worthy Caleb, which only accompanied Josiah into ye land of promise of all yt came 
out of Egypt. &c. 

" Our third Sonne was born December 22nd, 1647, about midnight. He was our 
third child, and we named him Josiah, in memory of that good Josiah which purged 
the house of Israel from idolatry, cfec. 

" Our fourth sonne was born ye 21st of October, 1651, and we named him William, 
intending he should have the name of his grandfather, but God pleased in his wis- 
dom to take him away." 

1. Arnold's History of Rhode Island, 565. 

It is mentioned in the genealogy above quoted, that a daughter " lyeth interred 
under a tomb in my land, between my dwelling house and a stone windmill." 
This is the old stone wind-mill still standing in Newport. 

2. I have received the following memorandum from a descendant of the mother 



\ 



18 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

The children of this marriage were six, three sons and 
three daughters. 

Benedict (a lamih^ name running through several gener- 
ations), the eldest, died in infanc}', and to the second son, 
the subject of this memoir, the same family name was 
given. Il€ was born at Norwich, on the 14th of January, 
1741.' 

Of all the six children of Captain Benedict Arnold, this 
son and a sister, Hannah, only survived the period of child- 
hood. 

It has been quite the fashion for our historians and annal- 
ists to stiofmatize Benedict Arnold as of low birth and 
vulgar liabits, but in this, as in many other particulars, the 
s\ passionate desire to throw discredit upon the traitor, has 

of Benedict. Arnold, claiming for her, as Avill be seen, very distinguished ancestry. 
I ha,ve no means of determining the truth of Its statements, but insert it for the curi- 
ous in such matters: 

Genealogy— Mrs. Waterji.'VN— Arnold— Mother of B. Arnold.— Lieut. Thom- 
as Tracy, one of the original proprietors of Norwich, Conn., born in England 
in 1011, was a lineal descendant of the 29th generation from Egbert, the fil^t'Sapien 
king of all England. He had seven children, viz. :"Jb/m, Jonathan, Thomas, 
Miriam, Solomon, David, and Samuel. 

John Tracy was an ancestor of Hon. Reuben Hyde Walworth, Chancellor of the 
State of New York, and also of Mrs. Gideon M. Davidson, the mother of C. M. 
Davidson. 

JoimtJian Tracy, born in 1644, married Mary Griswold and had nine children, the 
second of whom was 

Hannah Tracy, who was married in 1G95 to Thomas Davison, 1st, the great, great 
grandfather of Gideon M. Davison, the father of Clement M. Davison. 

Mirriam Tracy, born in 1648, the only daughter of Lieut. Thomas Tracy, was mar- 
ried in 1668, to Thomas Waterman, one of the original proprietors of Norwich, son 
of llobert Waterman, of Elizabetii Brown, an ancestress of Mrs. G. M. Davison. 
They had eight children, viz. : Thomas, Elizabeth, John, Miriam, Martha, Lydia, 
Joseph and Anne. 

John Waterman, born in. 1672, married in 1701 Elizabeth Lathrop, second daughter 
of Samuel Lathrop and Hannah Adgate, of Norwich; they had fotar children, one 
of whom was the mother of Gen. Benedict Arnold, who was the third cousin 
of Thos. Davison, 2nd, the great grand father of 0. M. Davison. The grand chil- 
dren of Gen. Arnold, and the father of C. M. Davison are consequently 5th 
cousins, and are of the 33d generation, in a lineal descent from King Egbert. 

Windsor. Canada, Sept. 6th, 18G2. 

1. Genealogy of Arnold family— also manuscript letter of his grandson, Rev. 
Edward Gladwin Arnold. See, also, M;s.s Caulkins' History of Norwich, p. 409. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 19 

rendered them inaccurate and nnjnst. His ancestors in 
England, and his forefathers in Rhode Island, were, as has 
been stated, men of character, education and position, and 
certainly no family in Khode Island, up to the time of the 
Revolution, had been more honored in official positions, and 
it is but simple justice to place them among the most prom- 
inent of the founders of that small, but admirable State. 
Whether of great or little importance, it is a fact that 
there were few colonial families whose lineage, by both father 
and mother, was more entirely respectable. _ j 

Captain Benedict Ariiold died in_1761. The house occu- 
pied by him, and in which the subject of this memoir was 
born, stood in the old part of the town of Norwich, and 
was not demolished until 1853. There were in and around 
it many memorials of young Benedict. After his removal 
to ]^ew Haven, the house and house-lot were sold by him 
to one Hugh Ledlie, for seven hundred pounds sterling. In 
consequence of the insanity of the wife of Ledlie, and 
exaggerated tales growing out of this circumstance, the 
house was believed to be haunted, and many wild stories 
of supernatural appearances were told of it, and credited by 
the superstitious. 

In the year 1775, Deacon "William Phillips, of Boston, 
father of Lieutenant Governor Phillips, moved to JS^orwich 
and occuj^ied the old Arnold mansion until the British left 
Boston.^ 

Tlie famous Malbones. of I^ewport, w^ere the next occu- 
pants, and the misfortunes of that family added to its weird 
reputation. 

l^ext, Col. Moore, of IS'orfolk, Yirginia, father of Richard 
Channing Moore, Bishop of Yirginia, occupied it, and died 
there in 1781. It was afterwards purchased by Uriah 

1. See Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, page 411, manuscript letter of C. C. P. 
Waterman. 



/ 



20 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Tracy, who lived in it for many years undisturbed. The 
strange noises and sights for which it had been so long 
noted now^ ceased. The garden and groves were no longer 
infested with strange visitants, and the chambers w^ere now 
quiet and peaceful. 

The mother of Benedict Arnold has been described by 
her contemporaries, and by tradition, as a woman of extra- 
ordinary strength of character, and entirely devoted to her 
family. " Benedict Arnold's mother," said one who knew 
her well, " was a saint on earth, and is now^ an angel in 
heaven." ^ 

Several letters of hers still extant, prove that all which 
was said in her j)raise was true. She died Aug. 1 5th^J/[58,_^ 
The inscription on her tomb-stone coniirms wdmt has been 

said. 

" In memory of Hannah, the well -"beloved wife of Captain Benedict 
Arnold, and daughter of Mr. John and Mrs. Elizabeth Waterman. She 
was a pattern of piety, patience and virtue: who died Aug. 15th, 1758. 
.Etatis52."» 

Captain Oliver Arnold, the uncle of Benedict, died in 
New Haven, in 1781. He had long been an invalid, and left 
very little for the support and maintenance of his family. 
After the death of his uncle, Benedict was alw^ays liberal 
and kind to them ; and even after his exile in England, did 
not forget his cousins, and his remittances to them are said 
to have been generous. He assisted the eldest son to a lib- 
eral education; but the young man, grieved and indignant 
at the conduct of his cousin, joined the naval service of the 
United States, and attaching himself to the celebrated Paul 
Jones, hoped by deeds of desperate daring to efface the dis- 
grace which his cousin's treason had attached to the name. 
He returned to New Haven with his health broken, and soon 
died. 

1. Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, page 409, and manuscript letter of C. C. P. 
Waterinan. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 21 

Another son, named Oliver, was a bright lad, and as he 
grew up developed a talent for making impromptu rhymes; 
happening in at a book store in New Haven one day, he 
met there the poet Joel Barlow, and was presented to him. 
Barlow had lately published an altered, some thought, an 
improved, edition of Watts' Psalms and Hymns. Young 
Oliver being pressed b^^ Barlow to give a specimen of his 
improvisations, finally complied by addressing Barlow as 
follows : 

*' You've proved yourself a sinful cretur, 
YouVe murdered Watts and spoilt the metre; 
You've tried the word of God to alter; 
And for your pains deserve — a halter." * 

He, like his elder brother, was a devoted patriot, con- 
demning with the utmost severity the conduct of his cousin 
Benedict. 

This lad, mischievous, wild and reckless, very early be- 
came distinguished for personal courage, a love of adven- 
ture, and a passionate love of approbation. The excitement 
of danger had for him an irresistible charm; but he had a 
quickness, a readiness of invention and skill, which made 
the most daring feats to him comparatively safe. The re- 
straints of l^ew England puritanic life were very irksome 
to him, and he became known among the deacons and select- 
men as a young '* dare-devil." He was the fearless leader 
of the wildest boys in every bold exploit, and sometimeLSL— /^ — ' 
reckless and unscrupulous. ./Anecdotes of his bojdiood have 
been published, indicating Cruelty. It has been said that 
he would scatter pieces of broken glass in the paths fre- 
quented by his schoolmates, that they might cut their feet 
in returning from school; and that one of his amusements 
was the robbing of bird's nests, and torturing the young 
birds. 

1. See manuscript letter of C. G. P. Waterman. 



22 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Perhaps the intense indignation created hj his treason 
has caused these earl^ anecdotes to be exaggerated, and 
possibly too great a significance has been attached to them. 
Certainly if the mischievous robbing of birds' nests is to be 
regarded as conclusive proof of total depravity, and if 
among the critics of Arnold, only those who had in thought- 
less boyhood been guiltless of this cruelty, should throw 
the first stone, there would probably be fewer harsh judges 
of his boyish freaks than have appeared. But of his bold, 
rash feats of daring, all who knew him bear witness; and 
many anecdotes exhibiting these traits, have come down to 
us. For instance, when a lad he was often sent to the 
mill with Indian corn, to be ground. While waiting for 
his grist, he would astonish his playmates and alarm the 
lookers-on, by clinging to the arms of the great water- 
wheel, and holding on as it made its revolutions, he would 
be carried high in the air, and then rapidly descending, 
pass beneath the water of the stream by which the great 
wheel was turned.^ 
.^'He "was active as lightning, and with a ready wit always 

fmi command." ^ He early developed the qualities of a nat- 

tiiral leader. 

In every kind of sport, especially if it had a dash of 
mischief about it, he was a "dauntless captain, and as des- 
potic among the boys as an absolute monarch." On a 
day of public rejoicing over some success of the British 
over the French, he brought a Held -piece out upon the 
common and placing it on end, the muzzle pointing to the 
sky, he emptied into it a powder-horn full of powder, and 
then with his own hand dropped into it a blazing fire-brand! 
Only his activity saved him ; he started back barely in time 
as the blaze followed within an inch of his face. And yet 
undaunted, his huzza was the loudest of the crowd. 

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, page 6. 

2. C. C. P. Waterman. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 23 

A story is told of liis fighting, at tlie age of fourteen, a 
constable who sought to reclaim from him and his comrades 
some tar barrels, which they had appropriated for a 
'' Thanksgiving bonfire," ' 

As is usual with the brave, he was generous, and his sym- 
pathies were always with the weak; he was the champion 
of the smaller lads and those of his own age, and no bully 
was ever permitted, in his presence, to practice any injus- 
tice upon the younger boys. He was kind to his friends, 
l)ut would never submit to force. 

He received the advantages of what would be regarded now 
as a fair common school and academic education, including 
some knowledge of Latin and mathematics. His father at 
one time was a man of considerable means, as we have 
seen, and Benedict was sent abroad to school. A letter from 
his mother has been published, dated Aug. 12th, 1753, ad- 
dressed to him at Canterbury, some twelve miles from Nor- 
wich, in which this good Puritan lady says: " Pray, my 
dear son, whatever you neglect, don't neglect your precious 
soul, which once lost can never be regained." ^ 

She begs him, for her, to " give service to Mr. Cogswell 
and lady." He was then twelve years old. 

Another very interesting letter of hers is as follows: 

"Norwich, April 12l:h, 1754. 
Dear Childe: — I received yours of the 1st instant, and was glad to 
hear that you were well. Pray, my dear, let your first concern be to 
make your peace with God, as it is of all concerns of the greatest impor- 
tance. Keep a steady watch over your thoughts, words and actions. Be 
dutyful to superiors, obliging" to equals, and affable to inferiors, if any 
such there be. Always choose that your companions be your betters, 
that by their good examples you may learn. 

" From your affectionate mother, 

" Hannah Arnold. 
"P. S. — T have sent you 50s. Use it prudently, as you are accountable 

1 Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, page 412. 
2. Kew Haven Journal, Sept. 8, 1859. 



2i LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

to God and your Father. Your Father and Aunt join with me in love 
and service to Mr. Cogswell and Lady, and yourself. Your sister is from 
home.^ Your Father puts in twenty more." ' 

This sum sent to a boy of thirteen, as pocket-money, 
M'ould indicate that the family were in a condition to give 
him whatever advantages of education the country then 
afforded. There is also evidence to show that he w^as sent 
to school to a Dr. Jewett, of Montville.' 

His letters, his writings, his speeches, particularly his de- 
fense on his trial before the Court-martial, near Philadel- 
phia, show him to have been a man of respectable education 
for the da^^s in which he lived. 

I have seen in the hands of a connection, a copy of a latin 
school book, " Cornelius Nepos," (published in 1748,) and in 
his own hand-writing, ^'^ Benedict Arnold, Ejus Liber." 

Those writers who liave spoken of him as illiterate and 
vulgar, have been neither accurate nor just. Although not 
a man of what to-day is called a "liberal education," his 
would compare favorably with that of many officers of rank 
in the army of the Revolution. 

In 1755, the war between France and Great Britain, 
known in American Annals as the "Old French War," 
broke out. In the following year Arnold, then less than 
fifteen years of age, was carried away with the romantic 
idea of being a soldier. His love of adventure and a roman- 
tic wish to perform daring exploits, led him to run away 
from home to Hartford, from where the Connecticut troops 
were to start for Lake George and the IN^orthern frontier, 
and enlist as a soldier. His mother sought and obtained 
the kind offices of the Hev. Dr. Lord, and through him, her 
darling son was restored to her. But the Connecticut boy, 
destined to a life of strange adventure on land and sea, grew 

1. Lossing's Fi eld-Book of the Revolution, note; Vol. 2, page 605, 

2. Hill's Life of Arnold, page 12. 

3. Hill's Life of Arnold, page 20. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 25 

rnoody and restless, and yearned for the wild life of the 
frontier; so excited was his imagination with his dreams 
of a soldier's life, that he left his home a second time, and 
joined the provincial troops. The incidents of the journey 
to Albany and the Lakes by the school-boy volunteer are 
not recorded. If this soldier-lad had kept a journal, and 
told us what he saw as he passed through the old Dutch 
town of Albany, and the incidents of his mar^i through the 
forests, it would have possessed peculiar interest; but we 
only know that the wilderness was then unbroken and wild, 
frequented onl}^ by the scout and the Indian, and that Lake 
George lay beneath its over-hanging Highlands, with none 
to admire its beauty, except when some hunter or soldier, 
some Leatherstocking, Uncas, or Heyward, paused a mo- 
ment on its shores, to be led from " JS'ature up to !N'ature's 
God." Philip Schuyler, then lately married, commanded 
a provincial company. George "Washington was preparing 
himself by severe service under the British flag to lead his 
country to Independence. 

With what anxiety the fond mother waited the return of 
this her only surviving son, may be imagined. The fancied 
charm of a soldier's life was soon dispelled by experience; 
he soon wearied of military discipline, deserted, and returned 
through the wilderness alone to his home. Although an 
infant in law, and too young to execute a valid contract of 
enlistment into military service, yet some apprehensions 
seem to have been felt by his mother and friends that he 
might be arrested as a deserter, and he was hidden away 
while a recruiting officer was in the town. 

He had already become familiar with fire-arms, and with 
the pistol and the rifle had few if any superiors as a marks- 
man. To his great skill he was on one occasion, at least, as 
will be seen hereafter, indebted for his life. 

He was strong, hardy, active, and excelled in all athletic 



26 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

sports and gymnastic exercises. In fencing, boxing, in ska- 
ting, in running and leaping, he had no superiors. It is 
said that even after lie recovered from his wound received 
at Quebec, when making the campaign to relieve Fort Stan- 
wix, he could readily vault over a loaded ammunition wagon 
without touchino- hand or foot.^ 

Previous to his adventure as a soldier, he had entered the 
employ of Deleters Daniel and Joshua Lathrop, who were 
relatives of his mother. They kept a large drug store in 
IS^orwich, and were gentlemen of education — both were grad- 
uates of Yale College; and Daniel had finished his medical 
studies in London. They seem to have been especially kind 
towards this boy, and being related to his mother, they 
manifested more than usual interest in his fortunes. They 
gave him a home in the family of Dr. Lathrop, the head of 
the house. They had a large business, importing their own 
medicines, and had furnished medical stores to the English 
army in the French War.^ 

Benedict remained with them until he reached the ao^e of 
twenty-one, and then removed to "New Haven, where aided 
by his former employers, he established himself as a drug- 
gist and bookseller.^ His business rapidly increased. He 
eno:ao:ed in areneral trade and exchan^i^e, and liis ener^rv and 
enterprise enabled him rapidly to acquire considerable prop- 
erty. He embarked in the West India trade, and purchased 
and shipped to those Islands, horses, mules, beef cattle, and 
other provisions. He sometimes sailed his own ships. 
He had quite a large business connection in Quebec, 

1. Manuscript letter of Rev. J. S. Leake. 

2. Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, pages 326-7. 

3. His sign is still preserved in Connecticut Hist'l Society. 

" B. Arnold, 
Druggist, Bookseller, &c., 
Sibi Totiq-ie." 
" Sibi Totique."— For himself and for all." 
Miss Caulkins' His. of Norwich, page 413. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 2, 

■Nvliicli lie visited frequently, buying horses in Canada and 
sliipping them from there to the West Indies. 

From his extensive trade in horses, some writers have 
called him a " horse-jocky." He knew and loved a good 
horse, and none knew better how to ride, 

•' To turn and wind a fiery Pegasus, 
And witcii the world with noble horsemanship," 

and during the revolution he was noted for always being 
particularly well mounted. 

This business of bookseller and druggist, and general 
trader, he carried on for several years. His residence in 
New Haven was near the ship-yard. " It was a handsome 
frame building, embosomed in shrubbery." Young, fine- 
looking, prosperous and popular, a contemporary says of 
him, " he had been a general favorite with the ladies, fond 
of their society, and floating in. the gayest circles of the 
.day."* 

On the 22nd of February, 1767, he married Margaret, 
daughter of Samuel Mansfield, High Sheriff of the county. 
She was a lady of good family, young, interesting and ac- 
complished, " and as far as is known, his first love." ^ 

All concur in representing her as attractive in person, 
gentle and graceful in manner, amiable and affectionate in 
disposition, and of devoted piety. They had three sons, 
Benedict, born February 14, 1768, Eichard, born August 
22, 1769, and Henry, born September 19, 1772.' 

His only sister, Hannah, never married. A story of her 
brother's interference and opposition to the attentions of a 
French adventurer has been often told; and it is said a duel 
grew out of the affair; but not being able to verify it, I am 
inclined to believe the circu:n stances have been exaggerated, 
and that some of the alleged facts are untrue. It is per- 

1. Miss Caulkin's History of Norwich, p. 413. 

2. Miss Caulkin's Historj' of Norwich, p. 413. 

3. Arnold's Genealogy. 



28 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

fectlj clear, tliat whatever may have occurred, nothing was 
done on the part of the brother which disturbed, to any ex- 
tent, the tender devotion and affection which she always 
manifested towards him. She adhered to him through evil, 
as well as good repute, and was ever his useful friend and 
adviser, and the watchful guardian of his interests. 

Mr. Sparks, speaking of this sister, says several of her 
letters which he had seen justify the tribute to her good 
name, "as a woman of rare endowments of mind, refine- 
ment and delicacy, and other qualities of female excel- 
lence." ^ " Her ardent and unceasing attachment to her 
brother, at the same time that it proves the depth of her 
own feelings, may argue the existence of better traits in his 
domestic character than would be inferred from his public 
conduct. His sister was his devoted friend and adviser, and 
a watchful guardian over his family and interests." ^ As 
evidence of this, in January, 1776, she procured, through 
Silas Deane, the settlement of a claim of some $800.19, the 
balance found due to her brother "for his expenses and 
disbursements in the taking of Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga." ^ 

Mr. Deane says, in a letter to her, " I shall ever consider 
the opportunity I have had of serving your gallant brother 
among the most happy incidents of my life, and his friend- 
ship and confidence as a particular honor." * She, in reply, 
Feb. 1st, 1776, " thanks him for his kind services, and de- 
sires him to obtain for her liberty to ship a cargo of lumber 
to the "West Indies; the long absence of her brother in Can- 
ada, on the expedition against Quebec, rendered it necessary 
for her to attend to his affairs. She expresses her fears of 
the loss by her brother of a vessel and cargo at Quebec." ^ 

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 11. 

2. Spark's Life of Arnold, p, 11. 

3. Collections of Conn. Historical Society, Vol. 2, p. 354. 

4. Collections of Conn. Historical Society, Vol. 2, p. 355. 

5. Collections of Conn. Historical Society, pages 357-8. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 29 

Her letters all indicate a gentlewoman of refinement, 
dignity, intelligence, and much more than ordinary good 
sense and judgment. 

Whatever may have been the faults and misfortunes of Ben- 
edict Arnold, he had the great good fortune to have a mother, 
a sister and a wife, each an ornament to her sex; women, 
all of them of the purest character, and each attached to 
liim witli a devotion which nothing could change. "With 
all his faults, there must have been, as Mr. Sparks suggests, 
a bright side to his character. 

VHe was a man of commanding figure; athletic, strong 
and active. An old soldier^ who fought with him at Be- 
mis' Heights, says (I quote his own quaint language): "He 
was dark-skinned, with black hair, and middling height; 
there was n't any waste timber in him; he was our fighting 
general, and a bloody fellow he was. He did n't care for 
nothing; he'd ride right in. It was 'Come on, boys' — 
't wasn't * Go, boys.' He was as brave a man as ever 
lived." 

Another soldier, a comrade with him in his expedition to 
Quebec/ says: "Arnold was brave, even to temerity; he 
was beloved by his soldiers. He was well formed, very 
stoutly built, with a florid complexion." Still another 
describes him as having " light eyes, black hair and dark 
complexion." ' 

An anecdote is told of him, occurring at this period of 
his life, which sounds more like the adventures of a rough 
knight of Medieval times, or the legends of Greek or Ho- 

1. Samuel Downing, 

2. Henrj-'s Journal, page 12. 

3. Mr. Leake, in the letter already quoted from, says: "My father, some iifteen 
years his (Arnold's) junior, and a near neighbor to his residence and business estab- 
lishments, has often described him to me, as about his own size, which was some- 
thing below the middle height, well formed, muscular, and capable of great endur- 
ance. He described him as a finished adept in all athletic exercises, and as the 
most accomplished and graceful skater" (himself no mean performer) " that he had 
ever seen." 



30 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

man mytliology, than the exploit of a captain of a 'New 
England militia company; but its truth has never been 
questioned. Once, while driving beef-cattle on to a vessel, 
a refractory steer refused to go aboard; mad and wild with 
rage and fright, the animal broke loose, and dashing through 
the crowd of men engaged in loading the vessel, defied 
pursuit. Arnold mounted his horse, and riding rapidly, 
overtook the animal, seized the enraged brute by the horns 
and nose, and held him fast until he was subdued and 
secured. 

Another anecdote, illustrating the violence of his unre- 
strained passions, is told. Previous to 1766 British Reve- 
nue Acts had been enacted which were generally felt to be 
most unjust and oppressive by the Colonies, and the cus- 
tom-house officers were often regarded as instruments of 
oppression. It is said that Arnold was not particularly 
scrupulous in paying the duties on imported goods; nor 
was his evasion of custom exactions thought by his neigh- 
bors in those days, to be a very serious offense. A sailor 
who had sailed on one of Arnold's vessels to the West In- 
dies, in revenge for some real or supposed injury, accused 
him of smuo-orlino^. Arnold s^ave him what he called "a 
little chastisement," but which others called a flogginir, and 
obtained from him a promise in writing to leave New 
Haven and never return. The sailor did not go, and Arnold 
finding him still in the place, headed a party who took him 
to a public whipping post, where he received forty lashes 
and was conducted out of the town. Arnold was tried for 
the offense, and fined fifty shillings.^ 

On one of his voyages to the West Indies, the ship of 
which Arnold was master, lying in the bay of Honduras, 
was nearly ready to sail for home. Some circumstances 
induced him to send the ship back in charge of the mate. 

1. Arnold's own account of this transaction may be found in IliU's Life of 
Arnold, pagea 22 to 25. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 31 

"While very busy preparing the papers and arranging for 
the departure of the vessel, a card of invitation was brought 
to him from a Captain Croskie, commanding a British 
merchant ship in the bay, inviting him to attend a social 
party that evening. Being very much occupied, he did not 
attend, and neglected to send his regret. The next morn- 
ing he called on the British officer to pay his respects and 
apologize for the neglect. He was received very rudely, 
and called " a d — d Yankee, destitute of good manners or 
those of a gentleman." 

The 3'oung American made no reply, except quietly to 
draw off his glove, and handing it to the Englishman, 
retired. A hostile meeting was arranged for the next morn- 
ing on an island near by, and each was to be accompanied 
by a surgeon and his seconds only. Arnold, with his sur- 
geon and seconds, was promptly on the ground, and after 
waiting some time beyond the hour named, and supposing 
Croskie was not coming, was about to leave, when the 
English Captain was seen approaching, accompanied by six 
or eight swarthy natives. Suspecting treachery, Arnold con- 
sulted with his seconds and surgeon, and they agreeing to 
stand by him, he resolved that none but the Englishman and 
his authorized friends should be permitted to land. "When 
Croskie and his party came within hailing distance, Arnold 
commanded a halt and demanded why the natives were 
brought, in violation of the agreement. 

Croskie made some excuse, but Arnold standing on the 
beach with his pistol cocked, forbade their approach on 
peril of their lives, but permitted his antagonist and his 
seconds to come ashore, compelling the boat and natives to 
keep off. The ground being then measured, the English- 
man as the challenged party, had the first fire. This Ar- 
nold received without injury. Arnold then fired, wounding 
but not disabling his adversary. The wound having been 



32 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

dressed, Arnold called upon liim to resume his position, and 
announced that he was ready to receive another shot, add- 
ing, *' I give you notice, if you miss this time I shall kill 
you." The Englishman thereupon apologized for his insults 
and extended his hand, which " the Yankee" received, and 
they then returned together in the same barge.' 

1. The above particulars were furnished me by Thomas Waterman, of the same 
family of Waterman to which the mother of Arnold belonged. 



■ « 



CHAPTEE II. 

TICONDEROGA AND CROWN POINT. 

" Our worthy friend, Col. Arnold, not having the so^e honor of reducing Ticondor- 
oga and Crown Point, determined upon an expedition to St. Johns, in which he 
happily succeeded." 

" General Joseph Warken." 

The Boston Massacre— Arnold's Fiery Patriotism— His Letter— Battle of 
Lexington— Capt. Arnold Volunteers and Leads His Company to Cam- 
bridge—Expedition TO TICONDEROGA— Captures St. Johns— Warren his 
Friend— Injustice to Arnold— Death of his Wipe— Touching Letter of his 
Sister, Hannah Arnold. 

DuKiNa the years of 1765, and on to 1770, Arnold was 
actively engaged in a large and increasing business, and ap- 
parently contented and happy with his family. His active 
and adventurous spirit found employment in visits to Can- 
ada and voyages to the West Indies, and an occasional trip 
to London. 

Meanwhile, the discontent of the colonies with the moth- 
er country was constantly increasing. The home govern- 
ment was arbitrary, oppressive and arrogant. The colonies 
were beginning to realize tlieir powder, and the seeds of the 
revolution w^ere beginning to germinate. 

In March, 1770, a collision occurred in tlie streets of Bos- 
ton, between the people and the British soldiers, in which- 
several citizens were killed. 

The incident known in contemporary American history 
as " the Boston massacre," caused an intense feeling of in- 
d'gnation throughout the thirteen colonies. 
3 (33) 



34 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Arnold was at the time absent on a voyage to the West In- 
dies, but when news of the event reached him, all the fierv zeal 
and impetuosity of his character were roused, and he wrote 
liome, saying, " I was very ranch shocked the other day on 
hearing the accounts of the most wanton, crnel and inhu- 
man murders committed in Boston by the soldiers. Good 
God! are the Americans all asleep, and tamely yielding np 
their liberties, or are they all turnQd philosophers, that they 
do not take immediate vengeance on such miscreants?" ^ 

This was amonir tlie iirst utterances of this then fervid 
patriot. He was at that time personally very popular in 
IS^ew Haven, and was at about that period elected captain 
of the Governor's guards, an independent military com- 
pany, composed of the most spirited and active young 
men of the city. 

When after near five years of hard and active service — 
a service which involved as much personal exposure, hard- 
ship and suflFering as was incurred by any ofiicer of the war, he 
stood at Morristown, in 'New Jersey, before a court-martial, 
as hereinafter detailed, to defend his lionor. He thus speaks 
of his condition when the war began ; 

" When the present necessary war against Great Britain commenced, 
I was in easy circumstances, and enjoyed a fair prospect of improving 
them. I was happy in domestic connections, and blessed with, a rising fam- 
ily who claimed my care and attention. The liberties of my country were 
in danger. The voice of my country called upon all her faithful sons 
to join in her defense. With cheerfulness I obeyed the call; I was one 
of the first in the field.'' ^ 

He was a merchant of property, doing a large business. 

" He was possessor of an elegant house, storehouses and 

wharves and vessels," at Xew Plaven.^ 

1. Letter of Arnold to B. Douglas, June 9, 1770; printed in Historical Magazine, 
April, 18^7, p. 119. 

2. Trial of General Arnold, p. 102. 

3. See certificate of Jeremiah Miller, Jr.. before Board of Claims, London, March 
5, 1784, who estimates Arnold's property at New Haven at £2,400 currency, all o/ 
which, he says, was confiscated. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 35 

He and General Wooster, an officer in the then recent 
war against France, seem to have been tlie popular leaders. 
AYooster was an elderly gentleman, cautions and conserva- 
tive, while Arnold was at the head of the ardent, zealous 
young men, who could with difficulty be restrained from 
02~)en violence. 

The Rev. Samuel Peters, in the appendix to his history 
of Connecticut, states that in 1774, v/hile he " was being 
persecuted as a tory," by what he calls a mob, lie applied to 
James Hilhouse for protection, and that Mr. llilhouse re- 
plied, '' I want protection myself against the mobs of Col. 
"\Yooster and Dr. Benedict Arnold." ^ Peters also relates 
that after he " had taken refuge in the house of the Pev. Dr. 
Hubbard, and armed it as his castle, with twenty muskets, 
and powder and balls, that Arnold and his mob came to the 
gate. Peters said: "Arnold, so sure as you split the gate, 
I will blow your brains out." Arnold retired, saying " I am 
no coward, but I know Dr. Peters' disposition and temper. 
* * * I have no wish for death at present." 

The battle of Lexington was fought on the 19th of April, 
1775. The news of this battle sent an electric shock 
throughout the Colonies. All 'New England was in an 
uproar. New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Carolinas, 
everywhere the people were roused to action, and with one 
voice they echoed the cry of Yirginia's great orator; Patrick 
Henry, "Liberty or death." The reports of the collision, 
like the vibrations of an earthquake, shook the whole con- 
tinent. Prom the Merrimac to the LIudson, from the 
Mohawk to the Delaware and Potomac, from the Green 
Mountains to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic to the 
Alleghanies, the people flew to arms and shouted, "Let us 
march to the aid of our brethren in Massachusetts." 

The news of this battle, fought on the nineteenth of April, 

1. History of Connecticut, by Dr. Samuel Peters, 1781 ; re-published, 1877, 



o 



6 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 



readied ISTew Haven at mid-day of tlie twentieth. Arnold 
instantly called liis company together in the public square, 
and addressing them with all the fervor of patriotic zeal, 
declared he was ready to lead them to Boston, and called 
for volunteers. A very large majority at once offered to 
go, and these being joined by some patriotic students, they 
numbered in all about sixty. The next morning, being 
ready to start, Arnold called upon the selectmen of Isew 
Haven for ammunition. They refused it, Gen. Wooster sa}^- 
ing they had better wait for regular orders. This did not 
suit the impetuous temper of Arnold, so, marching his 
company to the place where the selectmen were in session, 
he sent them notice that unless the keys were produced in 
five minutes he w^ould order his men to break open the 
doors of the magazine. The keys were given to him, the 
ammunition was obtained, and he and his men were off for 
Cambridge. Gen. Wooster tried to persuade him to wait 
for reguLar orders. Arnold exclaimed, "None but Al- 
mighty God shall prevent my marching." In passing 
through Pomfret they were joined by the veteran General 
Putnam,^ who did not stay even to remove his plough from 
the furrow he was breaking. 

On his arrival at Cambridge, Arnold took possession of 
and made his headquarters at the mansion of Gov. Oliver, 
who had fled. He and his company were well drilled, well 
uniformed and equipped soldiers, having been the pride of 
the city of New Haven. Their fine appearance caused tlieir 
selection as a guard of honor to deliver to Governor Gage 
the body of a British officer, who had been wounded and 
taken prisoner at the Lexington fight, and who had died of 
his wounds. 

It is a curious fact, which strikingly illustrates the high 
moral character of this band of volunteers, that before 

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, p, 422. 



\ 



HIS PATRIOTISM A]N^D HIS TREASON. 37 



Starting for Boston, Captain Arnold and each of the officers 
and privates solemnly set their names to articles of a^-ree- 
ment, in which, appealing — ^ 

"To all Christian people believing and relying on that God to whom 
our enemies have forced us to apply; and having taken up arras for the 
relief of our brethren and for the defense of their and our just rights;" 
to prevent disorders, etc., each bound himself by all that is sacred to ob- 
serve and keep this mutual covenant. 

1st. That they would conduct themselves decently and inoffensively, 
both to their countrymen and to each other, and would obey all the rules 
and regulations. 

2nd. Drunkenness, gaming, profanity and every vice, should be avoid- 
ed and discountenanced. 

8rd. Obedience to their officers was not to be enforced by blows, but 
if any person guilty of any offense, after being admonished, should per- 
sist, such incorrigible person should be expelled, " as totally unworthy 
of serving in so great and glorious a cause." - 

The company marched with flags on which were emblaz- 
oned the arms of the colony, and upon each banner and 
drum they caused to be inscribed, in letters of gold, " Qui 
transtulit sustinef^ — the motto of Connecticut — "He who 
brought us hither will support us;" or, "God, who trans- 
planted us hither, will support us." 

Such was the motto and such the covenant under which 
Benedict Arnold, the patriot, began his military career. 
No sooner had lie reached tlie camp at Cambridge than he 
went before the Committee of Public Safet}^ and proposed 
an expedition to capture Ticonderoga and Crown Point.' 

These forts were the keys to the communications be- 
tween Canada and New York. Here and in tliis neio^hbor- 
]iood, had been the battle-fields of the old French and In- 
dian wars. The shores and waters of Lake Georo^e and 

1. Collections of Connecticut Hist. Society, Vol. II. pp. -215-217. American Ar- 
chives, 1775 ; Vol. II, pp. 383, 384. 

2. For the text of this agreement see collections of Connecticut Historical Socie- 
ty, Vol. II, p. 215. 

3. See letter of Arnold, April 30th, to Mass. Committee, giving detailed statement 
of the condition of Ticonderoga, found in Force's American Archives, 4th Series, 
Vol. II, p. 450. 



38 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Cliamplain had been the scenes of conflict, adventure a. 
romance, since the early settlement of the country. It was 
well known, and to none more clearly than to Arnold, that 
the British ])osts on these lakes were feebly garrisoned and 
carelessly guarded, and that they contained, what the colo- 
nies then most needed, military stores, arms and ammuni- 
tion in large cpantities. 

The imagination of Arnold was fired with the idea of 
capturing these posts, and he was ambitious of the glory 
of striking a blow so important for his country. He had, 
when a boy, visited these lakes, and was familiar with the 
localities. Dr. Joseph Warren, "the first great martyr," 
as Daniel Webster called him, was then a member of the 
committee and entered warmly into the project (?f Arnold,^ 
and here was formed a warm personal friendship between 
tliese two men, both of whom seem at that time to have 
been acting with "the utmost patriotic ardor." To the 
kindness of Warren on this occasion and the personal at- 
tachment then formed mav be attributed the o^ratitude on 
the part of Arnold, wdiicli survived the death of his friend 
and was manifested in the generous aid furnished by him 
for the education of the orphan children of Warren, and 
which will be fully narrated hereafter. 

Arnold presented the project so clearl}^, and such was the 
impression made upon the committee by his intelligence, 
energy and enthusiasm, that they immediately and eagerly 
commissioned him as colonel, and authorized hini to raise 
four hundred troops for the service. He was instructed to 
leave a garrison at Ticonderoga, and return to Cambridge 
with the arms and stores that he might capture. The Con- 
gress of Massachusetts supplied him with money, powder, 

1. See letter of Warren, dated Cambridge, April 30th. 1775, quoted in Frothing- 
hanVs Life of Warren, page 474. " Benedict Arnold proposed to lead an expedition 
to capture Ticonderoga. Warren was appointed on a committee on this subject, 
and took great interest in it.'"—Frothingha7n's Life of Warren, p. 474. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 39 

lead, flints and horses, and he set ofi:'on the expedition with 
the utmost speed. He "was instructed to raise his men in 
Western Massachusetts. 

Having been commissioned on the 3d of May, and arriv- 
ing in Stockbridge on the 6th, he learned with surprise that 
an expedition for the same purpose had already started, a] id 
was on the way to the lakes. He himself had no men, 
and leaving some officers to raise troops, he hastened for- 
ward, and on the 9th overtook an expedition under com- 
mand of Ethan Allen, leading a body of '' Green Mountaim ,, 
boys" towards Lake George.^ \ (^. 

Arnold exhibited his commission and claimed tlie com-"^ 
mand; but as he had no soldiers and was a strauger, the 
volunteers'naturaily preferred their own office rs» an d_ref used 
to recognize him.'' A small party from Connecticut, and 
anotlier from Berkshire county, under Colonel Easton, had 
ioined Allen. Arnold lias been censured for claimino- the 
command. His manner of doing so may have been arro- 
gant, but he certainly was the only officer who had then been 
commissioned to capture these posts by any recognized 
State authority. Allen's leadership was by the selection 
of his troops. Massachusetts, the leading New-Eng- 
land colony, and on whose soil the war had begun, had 
given to Arnold a regular commission, full instructions, 
and authorized him to raise the necessary, troops, and in 
claiming the command he was hardly going bej^ond his 
authority ; but while it was natural he should claim the 
command, it was equally natural that the " Green Moun- 
tain Boys " under Allen should refuse it to him. Arnold 
was compelled to yield the point and joined the expedition 
as a volunteer, insisting, however, upon his i-ank, but issu- 
ing no orders.^ Early on the morning of the 10th of May, 

1. See Lossing's Field Book of the Eevoliition, Vol. I, p. 124. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 15. 

3. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 17. 



40 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

the party reached the shore of Lake George, and were dis- 
appointed in finding very few boats witli which to cross; 
but both Arnold and Allen appreciated the fatal conse- 
quences of delay: the fort must be surprised, if captured 
at all, and so they hastened across tlie water, with the small 
number of men their few boats would carry, and at the 
early dawn Allen, with Arnold at his side, and eighty-three 
men marched through a sally-port, and captured Ticonde- 
roga! They were not disappointed in the arms and mili- 
tary stores found in the fortress-|-one hundred and twenty 
iron cannon, fifty swivals, two ten-inch mortars, ten tons 
of musket balls, three cart loads of flints, thirty gun car- 
riages, shells, ten casks of powder, material for boat build- 
ing, two brass cannon, and pork, flour, etc., were the valu- 
able s]3oils taken. 

After the surrender, Arnold again insisted on taking 
command of the post, aftirming that no other person pres- 
ent was vested with an authority equal to that conferred on 
him by Massachusetts.^ In order to comply with the in- 
structions of that colony, to send the captured arms and 
ammunition to Cambridge, it seemed necessary that he 
should have command. In harmony with this idea, Gen- 
eral Warren wrote to the Connecticut authorities, May 17th, 
asking them to appoint " Colonel Arnold to take charge of 
them (the arms, &c.,) and bring them down in all possible 
haste," and this, he suggests, "may be a means of settling 
any dispute which may have arisen between him and some 
other ofiicers which we are always desirous to avoid, and 
now especially, at a time when onr common danger ought 
to imite us in the strongest bonds of amity and afiection." ^ 

But the Connecticut committee which had followed tlie 
troops, instead of doing this, by a formal written instru- 

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. IS. 

2, See letter of Warren, in FiOthingham's Life of Warren, p. 490. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 41 

ment, appointed Colonel Etlian Allen commander of Ticon- 
deroga until further orders from tliat State, or from the 
Continental Congress. Arnold protested, and sent a state- 
ment of his proceedings to the authorities of Massachusetts. 

Four days after the surrender of Ticonderoga, the first 
detachment of about fifty men enlisted under the orders of 
Arnold, joined him at that place. They came by Avay of 
Skenesborough, and brought with them a schooner taken 
there from a Major Skene, " a dangerous British agent." ^ 

jS^ow, at last, Arnold had a few troops who recognized him 
as their commander. He immediately armed and took com- 
mand of this vessel, and with a party of his soldiers, sailed 
down the lake to St. Johns, surprised and captured the gar- 
rison, cajDturing a king's sloop and crew; he seized also a 
number of batteaux, and putting on board the valuable stores 
from the fort, returned to Ticonderoga. 

There seems to have been a race between Arnold and 
Allen, and this time Arnold beat, for on his return, when 
about fifteen miles from St. Johns, he met Allen on his way 
to attack the same place.^ 

Thus these brave spirits, led by Allen and Arnold, by "a 
series of daring exploits," had captured the keys to Canada, 
securing control of lakes George and Champlain, and ob- 
taining a large amount of arms and military stores, so 
greatly needed by the colonies. All the sanguine repre- 
sentations of Arnold to the Massachusetts committee had 
been more than realized, not, it is true, by his own 
efforts alone; others as well as he, had appreciated the 
vast importance of this expedition. The idea seems to 
have occurred to him and to several others at about the 

1. See Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII, p. 340. 

2. Warren writes, May 25th, 177.5 : 

" Our worthy friend. Col. Arnold, not having had the sole honor of reducing Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point, determined upon an expedition to St, Johns, In which he 
happily cucceeded."— icf^er of Warren, in Frothiucjhjm's Life of Warren, p. 494. 



42 LIFE OF EEXEDICT AENOLD. 

same time; indeed, the moment hostilities commenced the 
obvious thing to do was to surprise and capture the British 
posts on the Lakes. GiDvernor Trumhall, of Connecticut, 
speaking of the disputes on the subject of priority, says: 
"It is a matter of diversion with me to see the various 
competitors contending so strenuously about a matter in 
the execution of which all concerned justly deserve ap- 
plause." If it were a matter of importance to settle, who 
first suggested the expedition, there is considerable evidence 
tendino' to show that the honor belon^^s to Arnold. 

Col. Samuel H. Parsons, in a letter* to Joseph Trumball, 
April 26, 1775, speaking of wdiat occurred, says: " On my 
way to Hartford I fell in with Captain Arnold who gave me 
an account of the state of Ticonderoga^ and that a great 
number of brass ca7inon were therey Governor Hall, 
of Vermont, speaking of this interview, says: "Captain 
Benedict Arnold spoke to Samuel H. Parsons, of the Con- 
necticut Assembly of the importance and feasibility of its 
(Ticonderoga) capture and his desire to attempt it."^ 

" Colonel Samuel H. Parsons, returning from Massachu- 
setts to Hartford, April 26, 1775, met Benedict Arnold, then 
captain of a company of volunteers, on his march to the 
Camp at Cambridge. At this interview the surprise of 
Ticonderoga was suggested." ^ Parsons' letter before referred 
to clearly shows that it was Arnold who made the sugges- 
tion, for he says: " He (Arnold) gave me an account of the 
state of Ticonderoga, and said that a great number of brass 
cannon were there," etc. Whoever first suggested the expe- 
dition, it was now accomplished, and the arms w^ere soon 
on their way to the Colonial authorities: a portion of the 

1. See Col. of Conn. Historical Society, Vol. T, p. 182. 

2. HaU's History of Vermont, p. 190. 

3. See " Origin of Expedition against Ticonderoga in 1775." A paper read before 
the Conn. His. Society, by J. H. Trumball, Jan'y, 1SG3. " The proposition came from 
Benedict Arnold, &c." 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 43 

artillery and other stores reaching the camp of Washington 
at Cambridge, supplying the arms and ammunition which 
he so greatly needed. 

Immediately after the capture, Arnold commenced the 
construction of boats for the transportation of the captured 
arms.' 

These expeditions were none too quick, for soon after 
Arnold's capture of St. Johns, a reinforcement of more 
than four hundred British and Canadians arrived at that 
place, and it was rumored that an expedition would proceed 
up the lakes to re-take the forts. Arnold having had some 
experience in seamanshijD, collected the vessels he had taken 
and prepared to meet the enemy. The schooner captured 
from Major Skene, the King's sloop, and a flotilla of bat- 
teaux were armed, and, his force having been increased to 
one hundred and fifty men, he made vigorous preparations 
to repel any attack which might be made. 

On the first of June the Congress of Massachusetts ad- 
dressed him a letter, acknowledging the receipt of letters 
from him dated the 19th and 23d of May, and express 
"great satisfaction in the acquisitions you have made," 
^' ^ and assure him that they place the greatest confi- 
dence in his fidelity, knowledge and good conduct, and they 
desire him to dismiss the thought of quitting his important 
command at Ticonderoga, Crown Point and Lake Cham- 
plain, adding, " You are hereby requested to continue your 
command over the forces raised by this colony."^ 

1. See Notes to the History of Fort George, by B. F. DeCosta. 

2. See MSS. from Massachusetts Archives, quoted in DeCosta's Notes to History 
of Fort George, p. 10. Also, Ara. Archives, 1775, p. loS2, as follows : 

,, " CoLLONY OP Massachusetts Bay, 

Watertown, June 1, 1775. 
" Sir— This congress have Received yours of 19 & 23d May ult. a copy of which 
has been sent to N. Hampshire, and Capt. Brown and Capt. Phelps they highly ap- 
prove of and take great satisfaction in the acquisitions you have made at Ticonde- 
roga, Crown Point, on The Lake, etc. ; as to the state you are in respecting your Pro- 
vision, etc. we have advices from Connecticut and New York that ample prepara- 



44 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

He sent messengers into Canada for the purpose of learning 
the feelings of the Canadians and the designs of the Indians. 
He also wrote to the Continental Congress, communicating 
all the facts he had thus ascertained, and expressing the con- 
viction that it would not be difficult to take possession of all 
Canada, and detailing a plan of operations for that purpose, 
and ottering to lead the expedition and be responsible for 
the result.^ Meanwhile his enemies had been writing to 
Massaclmsetts, exaggerating his faults, and, as Sparks says, 
i' his zeal and energy were passed over unnoticed." The 

' Legislature or Congress (so-called) of Massachusetts, dele- 
gated three of their number to go to Lake Champlain and 
inquire into the " spirit, capacity and conduct" ^ of Colonel 
Arnold, and were authorized, if they thought proper, to order 
his immediate return to Massachusetts to render an account 
of the money, ammunition and stores he had received, etc. 
"If he remained he w^as to be subordinate to Colonel Hin- 
man," an officer that Connecticut had sent forward to take 
the command. 

They found Arnold at Crown Point, actively employed in 
preparing to defend the conquests which had been made, and 
maturing plans for future action. When they laid before 

■ him tlieir instructions, he was exceedingly indignant, and 
complained of being treated with injustice and disrespect; 
*' in whicli," says Mr. Sparks, " he was not entirely in the 
WTong." Silas Deane, a member of Congress from Connec- 
tions is making with the Greatest Dispatch in those two collonies from whence you 
may Depend on being seasonably supplied— they are Sorry to meet M'ith Repeated 
Requests from you that some Gentleman be sent to succeed yoxi in command ; they 
assure you that they place the Greatest Confidence in your Fidelity, Knowledge, 
Courage and Good Conduct, and they Desire that you at present Dismiss the Thought 
of Quiting Your Important Command at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Lake Chf.m- 
plain, etc., and you are hereby requested to continue j'our command over the forces 
raised by this Colony Posted at thosj several Places, at least until the Collouy of 
New York or Connecticut shall take on them the maintaining and commanding 
the same agreeable to an order of Continental Congress."— il/-S;S. in, Mass. Archives. 
i. See Sparks' Life of Arnold, pp. 21-27. 
2. See Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 22. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 45 

ticut, writing from Cambridge, Aug. 10th, 1775, was more 
explicit: "Colonel Arnold has been in mj opinion hardly 
treated by this colony, through some mistake or other. ^ * 
He has deserved much and received • little or less than 
nothing." ^ 

/^i^rnold wrote a formal letter of resignation and dis- 
charged the men he had enlisted, and hastened back to 

■Cambridge, arriving in July. Barnabas Deane, writing on 

the first of June from nearTiconderoga, to his brother, Silas 

Deane, then a member of the Continental Congress, says : 

" Col. Arnold has been greatly abused and misrepresented by design- 
ing persons, some of whom were from Connecticut. Had it not been for 
him everything here would have been in the utmost confusion and dis- 
order; people would have been plundered of their private property, and 
no man's person would have been safe that was not of the Green Moun- 
tain party, * * Col. Arnold has been twice fired at by them, and has 
had a musket presented at his breast by one of that party, who threat- 
ened to fire him through if he refused to comply with their orders; which 
he very resolutely refused doing, as inconsistent with his duty and directly 
contrary to the opinion of the colonies * * * Col. Webb and myself 
had an arduous task to reconcile matters between the two commanders 
at Crown Point, which I hope is settled for the present." - 

As corroborating the foregoing statement, a large num- 
ber of inhabitants prepared and presented to Arnold a 
memorial, expressing their gratitude for the great services 
he had rendered them and the colonies.^ 

Looking back calmly at these events and the differences 
between Arnold and Allen, and Arnold and the Connecticut 
committee, we perceive that they originated to a consider- 
able extent in the local jealousies of the different colonies. 
It must be conceded that Arnold had the best legal author- 
ity to command, but he was com2:)elled to, and did yield to 
Allen's popularity with the '' Green Mountain Boys." He 
was decided, perhaps unconciliatory, and it may be, arro- 

1. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. I, p. 3S5. 

2. See Col. of Conn. His. Society, Vol. II, p. 217. 

3. Am. Archives, p. 1775. 



46 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

gant in asserting his autlioritj ; possibly there may have 
been faults also of manner on the part of Allen. He was 
a rough diamond, and not famed for courtesy or subordina- 
tion. After Allen's unfortunate dash at Montreal, in which 
he and his men were captured. General Schuyler wrote: "I 
always dreaded his impatience of subordination." 

"Washington, also, speaking of Allen, says : "His mis- 
fortunes will, I hope, teach a lesson of prudence and subor- 
dination to others who may be ambitious to outshine their 
o-eneral officers, and, reccardless of order and duty, rush into 
enterprises which have unfavorable effects on the public." ^ 
Whatever may have been the faults of Arnold, none sur- 
passed him at that time in zeal, activity and daring. He 
w^ent into Ticonderoga by the side of Allen; he surprised 
and captured St. Johns and the king's ship and batteaux. 
The appearance at Crown Point of the Massachusetts com- 
mittee, in the midst of his zealous labors and triumphs, to 
inquire into " his spirit, capacity and conduct," and with 
power to order his immediate return, to a sensitive soldier 
was as great an indignity as one can easily conceive. This 
w^as the first of a series of acts of injustice which resulted in 
his inexcusable crime. Had AYashington possessed the 
power of aj^pointing and promoting the officers of his 
army, from the beginning to the conclusion of the Avar, 
Arnold's treason would never have been committed, 
fn the contrary, as afigliting general, for active service, 
he would liave been the right arm of Washington. As 
it was, his honor as a soldier was severely wounded. 
AYhen eyery British post on the New York lakes had been 
captured, none without his zealous co-operation, others by 
his own skill, daring and good conduct; in the midst of his 
success, while zealously planning the capture of Canada, he 
was superseded and compelled to return under a cloud to 

1. See Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. II, rP- 39G-7. 



HIS TATRIOTIS^I AND HIS TUEASOX. 47 

Cambridge, but fortunately lie soon afterwards met Wash- 
ington and secured his coniidence and friendship; and from 
that time on, until his fatal fall, the Commander-in-chief 
was his steadfast friend. 

On the 19th of June, and before Colonel Arnold's return 
from his campaign, liis wife died, aged thirty years. Thus 
to the sense of bitter injustice was added this crushing do- 
mestic affliction. 

" In the northeast corner of the new cemetery of New Haven is a dark 
stone, neatly carved, with an ornamental border, ' Sacred to the mem- 
ory of Margaret Arnold, the first wife of Benedict Arnold.' " * 

His sister Hannah tooh the place of his wife, and well 
discharged the duties of mother to his children. Three 
sons, aged seven, six and three, constituted her charge. 

With a touching and devoted affection, honorable alike 
to herself and to her brother, she writes to him of these 
children; of "Ben," the eldest, "already eager," as she 
says, " to hear everything relating to his papa." ^ 

Congratulating him on his " success in reducing Tycon- 
deroga," and making himself "master of the vessels on the 
lakes;" and as "the cause is undoubtedly a just one," she 
hopes he may have health, strength, fortitude and valor for 
whatever he "maybe called to;" and then she devoutly 
prays: " May the broad hand of the Almighty overshadow 
you; and if called to battle, may the God of armies cover 
your head in the day of it." 

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 423. 

2. The following is the text of this beautiful letter, copied by the author from 

the original, in possession of Miss Varick, of New York city : 

" N. Havejt, June, 1775. 
"Dear Brother: « 

" Take this opportunity pr. Capt. Oswald, to congratulate you on your late success 
in reducing Ticonderoga, and making yourself master of the vessells on the lakes. 
Sincerely -wish all your future endeavors to serve your country may be crowned 
■with equal success. Pity the fatigue you must unavoidably siiffer in the wilder- 
ness. But as the cause is undoubtedly a just one, hope you may have health, 
strength, fortitude and valor, for whatever you may be called to. Jlay the broad 
liand of the Almighty overshadow you ; and if call d tobatt!e,may the God of Armies 



48 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Then adding: "The men who went under your care to 
Boston give you the praise of a very humane and tender 
officer;" she hopes " those now with you may meet with an 
equal degree of tenderness and humanity. I doubt it not," 
says she, " for the truly brave are ever humane." All wdio 
read the letter will concur in the declaration, that few sol- 
diers in modern times, few knights in the days of chivalry, 
ever went forth to battle borne up by a more holy or a more 
tender prayer than that uttered in this letter by his devoted 
sister. 

It was on Colonel Arnold's return to Cambridge that 
Washington, more just than the Massachusetts committee, 
selected him to command one of the most difficult and per- 
ilous enterprises ever undertaken on the American conti- 
nent — the expedition to Quebec; and it is not too much to 
say that his march through the wilderness was conducted 
with an ability and fortitude rarely if ever surpassed. 

cover j'our head in the day of it. 'Tis to Him and Him only, my dear brother, that 
we can look for safety or success. His power is ever able to shield us from the pes- 
tilence that walks in darkness, and the arrows that fly by noonday. May a Chris- 
tian resignation to His will strengthen your hands and fortify your heart. May you 
seek His aid and rest your whole confidence in Him; and then you will have no 
fear but that of offending Him ; and if we are to meet no more in time, may a wise 
preparation for eternity secure to us a happy meeting in the realms of bliss, where 
painful separations are forever excluded. The men who went under your care to 
Boston, give you the prai.es of a very humane, tender officer. Hope those now 
with you may meet with an equal degree of tenderness and humanity. 

" Your little family are all well. Benedict is eager to hear everything relative to 
his papa. Mr. Mansfield, contrary to all expectation, is again able to ride out; and 
his physicians think he is in a fair way of recovering a comfortable state. of health. 
Mr. Harrison, you have undoubtedly heard, is dead by a fit of the apoplexy. We have 
numbers of people daily coming here from New York and Boston. Capt. Sears, and 
Mrs. Brown and Piatt, with several other families from York, are now here. The 
world seems a universal flutter and hurry. What the event will be God only knows. 
But in all its changes, of this I am certain: that your health and prosperity are 

dear to me as my own. 

*' Your aflfectionnte Sister, 

" Hannah Arnold." 



CHAPTER III. 

•4 EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 

"Qui Transtulit Sustinet." 

Expedition to Qitebec and March through the Wildekness— Arnold Proposes 
THE Expedition to Washington— Washington Approves, and Selects for 
it the " Picked Men'' of his Army, and gives the Command to Arnold— 
Theik Difficulties, Suffkrings and Dangers— Enos gets Frightened and 
Abandons his Comrades— Arnold, with Morgan, Pushes on— Provisions 
Exhausted— Arnold with tix Men makes a Forced March to the lanadian 
Settlements, obtains Food, and Saves the Detachment, (l) 

Quebec has been called, perliaps with some exaggeration, 
the " Gibraltar of America." Seated on its rocky cliffs, 
overlooking and commanding the St. Lawrence, both France 
and England had ever regarded it as the stronghold of the 
Canadas, and the aid of art had been bronght to add to its 
great natural strengtli. After the capture of the forts on 
lakes George and Champlain, the project of obtaining mil- 
itary possession of Canada, with a view of uniting the 
Avhole continent in opposition to the power of Great 
Britain, had, as we have seen, been presented to Congress 
by Arnold and others. 

When Washington reached Cambridge and assumed com- 
mand, on the 3d of July, 1775, he had already favorably 

1. The details of this expedition are gathered from the letters and journal of 
Arnold. See collections of Maine Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 44G. Also manu- 
script journal of Arnold in possession of Mr. Barlow, of New York, the journals cf 
Major Meigs, Judge Henry, Messrs. Thayer, Senter and others, who Avere in the expe- 
dition and kept journals. Also Spark's Life of Benedict Arnold, Lossing's Field 
Book of the Revolution, and Force's American Archives. 

4 (49) 



50 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

considered the project, was in correspondence witli Scliny- 
Jer on the subject, and Schuyler liad been selected to lead 
an army into Canada by way of the ISTorthern lakes. It 
was now proposed by Arnold that an expedition should 
march by way of the Kennebec river, through the wilder- 
ness over the mountains of Maine to Quebec, to capture 
that city by surprise, and thus co-operate with Schuyler. 

The plan of reaching Quebec by this route is said in the 
/introduction to Thayer's Journal, edited by Stone,' to have 
originated w^ith Arnold, and to have been suggested .to 
him by reading the Journal, written in 1760, of Colonel 
Montresor, an officer of the British Engineer Service. 
After careful study, and several conferences with Arnold, 
Washington heartily adopted the project. It was a most 
hazardous enterprise, full of difficulties and dangers, known 
and unknown, but if snccessful would realize results of the 
utmost importance.'* Washington fully appreciated its dif- 
ficulties, and there is a tone of gravity approaching to sol- 
emnity in his letter of instructions to Arnold. " You are 
entrusted with a command," writes he, " of the utmost con- 
sequence to the liberties of America; on your conduct and 
courage and that of the officers and soldiers detached on 
this expedition, not only the snccess of your present enter- 
prise and your own honor, but the safety and welfare of the 
whole country may depend." ^ 

Conscious of the difliculties to be encmmtered, he selected 
the best material in his army for the expedition. The field 
officers were Lieutenant Colonels Christopher Green, of 
Ehode Island, and Roger Enos, of Connecticut; Majors 

1. Sec Introduction to Thayer's Joxirnal of the Expedition to Quebec. 

2. " The proposed expedition was Avild and perilous, and required a hardy, skill- 
ful and intrepid leader. Such a one was at hand. Washington considerefl him 
(Arnold) the very man for the enterprise."— in'i?!<7.s Life of Washington Vol. 2, p. 61. 

3. These carefully written instructions, and an address to the people of Can- 
ada, Washington prepared at his hea'lquarters, now the residence of the poet 
LongfelloAV. 



Ills PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 51 

Itetnrn J. Meigs, of Connecticut, and Timothy Bigelow, 
of Massacliusetts. Among the captains was the celebrated 
Daniel Morsran, the famous rifleman of Yir<2:inia. 

Aaron Burr, afterwards Yice President of the United 
States, Mathew Ogden, and some other young men, eager 
for adventure, joined the expedition as volunteers. 

That Arnold suggested this expedition to Washington 
appears from a letter of Gates, then adjutant-general of the 
force at Cambridge, dated Aug. 25th, 1775, in wliich he 
says: " I am directed by his Excellency, General Wash- 
ington, to request you to await the return of the express 
(sent to Gen. Schujder). I have laid your plan before the 
General, who will converse with you upon it when you next 
meet.'' ' 

The detachment consisted in all of eleven hundred men — 
ten companies of musketmen and three of riflemen. These 
riflemen were from the mountains of Yirginia and Penn- 
sylvania; men of wliom Daniel Boone and David Crocket 
were examples; hunters and Indian fighters, familiar witli 
woodcraft, the rifle, the huntino^-knife and the birch-bark 
canoe; men who could endure hunger, exposure and 
fatigue; who knew how to find subsistence and shelter in 
the forests; who could supply themselves with food from 
the deer, the bear and other wild game, and from fish from 
the rivers and lakes; men with some of the sagacity, reso- 
lution and fertility of resource which Cooper has ascribed 

1. The foUowing is the letter : 

Head Quarters, 25th Aug., 1775. 

Sir: I am confident you told me last night that j'ou did not intend to leave Cam- 
bridge until the express sent by your friend reairned from General Schuyler. 
LestI should be mistaken, I am directed by his Excellency, General Washington, to 
request you to wait the return of that express. I have laid your plans before the 
General, who will converse with you upon it when you next meet. Your answer 
by the bearer will oblige, sir. 

Your affectionate and humble Servant. 

Horatio Gates, Adj 't General. 
To Col. Arnold, at Watertown. 

Histoncal Magazine, Dec. 1857, Vol. 1. No. 12, p. 372. 



52 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

to the Leatlierstockiiig, equally at liome on the trail of an 
Indian or the track of a wild beast — the picked men of the 
Colonies. Henrj- says/ " All these men were of as rude and 
hardy a race as ourselves, and as unused to the discipline of 
a camp, and as fearless as we." 

Many of them were men of substance, well-to-do farmers, 
men of pride of character, zealous but independent, and 
with crude ideas of military discipline. It is obvious that 
no ordinary man could lead through unknown difficulties 
and dangers such a body. They could be controlled only 
by the personal qualities of their leader. He must be one 
whose character would compel their respect. He should be 
as bold, ?.s manly, as plucky as the best of them, and they 
must believe he was their superior in skill and judgment. 
He should be a natural leader of men, and possess not only 
courage and capacity, but he should be able to inspire his 
men with confidence in his courage and abilitj^ Washing- 
ton believed Benedict Arnold to be such a man. This is 
proved not only by his selection to command this most 
hazardous expedition, but also from Washington's letters. 

The three companies of riflemen were especially regarded 
as embodying the best material for the hard work expected 
of them. "With Morgan's company from Yirginia were 
associated a company from Cumberland, Pennsylvania, 
commanded by Captain William Hendricks, and another 
from Lancaster, in the same State, commanded by Captain 
Matthew Smith. " They were an excellent body of men, 
rude, hardy and fearless, ^ * formed by nature to be the 
stamina of an army, fit for tough, tight w^ork." ^ 

The riflemen, armed with a good rifle, a tomahawk, a 
long knife, a small axe, and dressed in a hunting shirt, 
moccasins and leggings, all of deer skin. This little army 

1. Henry's Journal (Muucell), p. 11. 

2. Henrv's Journal. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 53 

started from Prospect Hill, near Cambridge, Massachusetts, 
on the lltli of Sept. 1775, and on the next day reached 
I^ewbnryport. From there the detachment embarked in 
ten transports for the mouth of the Kennebec river, where, 
leaving the vessels, they were to go in batteaux, which 
Arnold had caused to be built, and thence proceed up the 
Kennebec to Fort Western, in Maine, opposite the present 
town of Augusta, at which place they arrived on the 23d 
of September. 

All the information Arnold could obtain of the route, 
w\as what he could glean from the meagre journal of Mon- 
tresor, who had passed from Canada to the Kenebec fifteen 
years before, some facts gathered from a party of St. Francis 
Indians, who had lately visited the camp of Washington, 
and a rude and imj)erfect map made by a surveyor of the 
Kennebec. 

The route selected as the most feasible ^vas to ascend the 
Kennebec to what was called the great carrying place, be- 
tween it and the Dead river; then turning west, surmount 
the carrying place; thence on over the extreme summit which 
divides the waters of "New England from those of the St. 
Lawrence. Crossing this, they hoped and expected to strike 
the head-waters of the Chaudiere, and from thence descend 
to the St. Lawrence and Quebec. With his very limited 
knowledge of the country and the route, the commander 
deemed it prudent to send forward a small exploring party 
in advance, who were expected to move with the utmost 
rapidity in bark canoes, to ascertain the obstacles and dan- 
gers, and explore and mark the best route. This party had 
instructions to go as far as Lake Magentic, or Chaudiere 
pond — the source or head-waters of the river of that name. 
Another pioneer party was sent to explore and survey the 
courses and distances of Dead river. Colonel Arnold se- 
lected Archibald Steele, a bold, active, hardy and resolute 



04 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD, 

3^011 ng soldier, to command the first party, and the result 
showed the selection to have been most judicious. His 
hardihood, resolution and ready skill carried him through, 
and enabled him to overcome the most formidable difficul- 
ties. Perhaps a brief recital of tlie adventures of this pio- 
neer party will give as clear an idea of the obstacles and 
dangers which Arnold and his command encountered, as 
could be conveyed by any other means. 

Steele selected for one of his companions John Joseph 
Henry, not then seventeen years of age, and he has left a 
narrative, which, though written late in life, and from 
memory, yet gives a most graphic and interesting sketch 
of their adventures. 

Starting from Fort "Western, on the 23a of September, in 
birch-bark canoes, the party passed on rapidly to Fort 
Halifax, and thence to Skouhegan Falls, four miles east of 
the village of Xorridgewack. Here they met the first 
portage or carrying place around the rapids, and by hlazing 
the trees marked the route of those who were to follow. 

"Here," writes Henry, "the moose deer reigns master 
of tlie forest,-'^ and " monarch of the glen." ^j 

They ascended the river rapidly, Hazing the trees at 
every carrying place. Leaving the last habitation of the 
white man at Norridgewack, the party passed on into the 
wilderness. Having passed many falls, rapids and carrying- 
places, on the 29th of September they arrived at the great 
carrying place, distant about sixty miles from Skouhegan. 
The distance across the portage to Dead river was twelve 
miles, but there were three or four ponds which could be 
used to lessen the land carriage. Steele's part}^, leaving 
the Kennebec, struck out towards Dead river, and at even- 
ing encamped on the margin of the first pond, sleeping, as 

1. When the buU moose threw up their heads, the tips of their horns seemed 
to me to stand eighteen feet from the ground.— iZ(2?ir?/'s Journal, p. 21. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. O^ 

usual when on sliore, on the branches of the fir, hemlock 
and other evergreens. The ground across this carrying 
place was rough, rocky and rugged, interspersed with bogs, 
in which the men often sunk to their knees. It was now 
decided by Steele to divide his little party, leaving the 
weakest and half the provisions, while he pressed forward 
with the strongest and most enduring of his men. Two 
days of very hard work brought him to the banks of Dead 
river. 

Pressing on, each day meeting new difficulties, their pro- 
visions grew scant, and the party put themselves on short 
rations, and resolved to eat their pork raw, and to eat but 
twice each day, morning and evening. '* Unacquainted " 
says Henry, " with the distance we had to go, without map 
or chart, yet resolved to accomplish our orders at the haz- 
ard of our lives; a half a biscuit, and half an inch square 
of raw pork was our evening meal." ^ 

October 4:th, brought the party to the deserted wigwam 
of Natanis, an Indian chief, then supposed to be in the 
pay of the English as a spy, but who with a part of his war- 
riors was afterwards induced by Arnold to join the expedi- 
tion, and who with his men faithfully accompanied him to 
Quebec. The country grew more and more rough and dif- 
ficult as the party advanced, and having now reached nearly 
to the hio:h lands dividino: the waters which flow to the 
. Atlantic, from those which empty into the St. Lawrence, 
the weather became bitterly cold, and snow and ice added, 
to their difficulties. The lonely, inhospitable solitudes of ' 
these high and far-away regions, is strikingly illustrated by 
the fact, that in 1858 a musket wdiich had been left in l7T5y, 
by one of Arnold's expedition, was first discovered. The stock 
had entirely decayed, and the mountings and barrel had 
fallen to the ground.^ During this period of more than 



1. Henry's Journal pp. 29, 31. 

2. Henry's Journal, ncte to page 34. 



56 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

eiglitj years, the Colonies Lad become a great nation; the 
pioneer had penetrated everj^ bay and harbor of the great 
western lakes, and crossing the Mississippi, and scaling the 
rock}^ mountains, he had erected his settler's cabin along the 
shores of the Pacific; the far-off Columbia was dotted with 
his towns and villages, but into these gloomy solitudes of 
Maine, during all this time, no wanderer had gone! 

For more than three-quarters of a century the adventur- 
ous step of no man, red or white, had trod these solitudes! 

At length, on the 7th of October, the party of Steele, 
weary and worn, reached the end of their explorations — the 
head-waters of the Chaudiere. Gathering around the roots 
of a j)ine, which rose forty feet without a branch, Steele 
asked if any of the party could climb it?^ Kobert Cun- 
ningham, an athletic young soldier twenty -five years of age, 
instantly began the ascent, going up with the activity 
almost of a squirrel. From the top he conld trace far away 
towards the north the meanderings of the river, until it 
expanded into Lake Chaudiere, fifteen miles distant. 
Elated with their success, the party turned their faces back 
towards their comrades, toiling far behind in the depths of 
the forests. Soon overtaken by a fierce storm, hungry, 
drenched with rain and sleet, they attempted to shelter 
themselves under the branches of the evergreens, and they 
were so exhausted they " slept, notwithstanding the pelting 

storm." ^ 

" Rumaging my pocket," says Henry, " I found a soli- 
tary biscuit and an inch of pork." Far from their com- 
panions, and nearly famishing, where were they to obtain 
food to sustain life? They made all possible haste, looking 
constantly for game, and finding none until the 9th, when 
they fortunately shot a small duck called a diver. At 
flight when they gathered around their cam])-fire, they 



1, Henrj-'s Journal, pp. 34, 35. 

2. Henry's Journal, p. 37. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 57' 

anxiously discussed tlie question how this duck and their 
little pittance of remaining food could be most effectually 
used to prolong life. They decided to boil the duck in 
their camp kettle, each man putting in his last bit of pork, 
and each marking his own by running through it a small 
wooden skewer, marked with his own priv^ate mark. The 
broth so made was to be all the supper the poor fellows had, 
reserving the boiled pork for breakfast, and the duck to be 
divided and laid by. " Mj^ appetite," says Henry, " was as 
ravenous as a wolf," but the resolution to take no more 
than the broth was kept.' Rising early the next morning, 
each man took his mouthful of pork, and breakfast was 
over. The duck w^as then separated into ten parts, the 
number of the party, and divided in the hunter's usual 
way — that is, one of the party, turning his back — and then 
Steele asked of the man whose back was turned to the frag- 
ments, "Whose shall this be?" The man answered, nam- 
ing the party. Henry says, "my share of the duck was 
one of the thighs." The day wore away, the party hasten- 
ing on, the duck was eaten, and the party encamped and 
tried, when night overtook them, to sleep. Kising the 
next morning, they resumed their march w^ith not a morsel 
of food. Traveling all the weary day, they lay down again 
supperless. 

The next day, trying to hurry on with all the little 
strength left, they ran their canoe against a partially sunken 
tree, and the frail bark was torn open from stem to stern. 
To repair this by finding birch trees, stripping off the bark, 
digging cedar-roots for thread, and collecting pitcli from 
the pine, delayed them some hours, and now, utterly ex- 
hausted with hunger and fatigue, and at an unknown dis- 
tance from the main party, some of them began to despair. 
Henry says: " The thought came that the Almighty had 

1. Henry's Journal, pp. 37-38. 



58 LIFE OF BEIS^EDICT ARNOLD. 

destined us to die of liunger in the wilderness." Few will 
reproach tlie boy for saying: " The tears fell from my eyes 
as I thought of my mother and family in tlieir far-off 
home." But the good Father who does not suffer the spar- 
row to fall to the ground unnoticed, had not destined this 
hapless party, without food for near forty-eight hours, to 
perish in this "wilderness," for as the sun went down, and 
Henry, whose struggling canoe from sheer exhaustion lagged 
some hundred yards behind, heard the sharp crack of a 
rifle, followed by a shout and a huzza, and pushing forward, 
he saw, with inexpressible joy, a moose deer struggle from 
the water and fall upon the bank. Tliey were saved ! The 
forest shores echoed with their shouts of exultation, as the 
whole party gathered around the game. Kindling a fire, 
the famishing men feasted.^ 

On the 17th this pioneer party and the advance of the 
main body met, and they were welcomed, as brave men 
welcome comrades who have escaped a fearful danger. 
More than three weeks had jDassed since they had left Fort 
Western. 

The main body had followed as soon after these scouts as 
possible, moving in four divisions, one day's march apart, to 
avoid confusion in passing rapids and portages. The rifle- 
men, with Morgan at their head, in advance; then came 
Green and Bigelow with three companies, followed by 
Meigs with four, and then Enos with the tliree remaining 
companies, brought up the rear. 

Arnold remained at Fort "Western to see all embarked, 
and then in a fast birch-bark canoe, paddled by Indians, he 
pushed rapidly forward, and, passing each party, overtook 
Morgan and the riflemen at Norridgewack falls. Here, 
just below the falls, more than half a century before, had 
been the site of an Indian village of the tribe for which 

1. Henry's Journal, p. 47. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 59 

the falls were named; and here, in 1698, came the good 
Father Balle, a French priest, as a missionary, who after 
twenty-three years of devoted self-denial among these red 
children, was, in 1724, cruelly slain in a suddea attack by a 
party from Massachusetts.^ When Arnold arrived there, 
in October, 1775, he fomid an utter solitude. The only 
mementos of the once happy village were the ruins of the 
altar and the chapel, and a cross which marked the grave of 
the venerable priest. From this place the march was to be 
through a wild and uninhabited wilderness, without paths, 
and often w^ithout even an Indian trail. Across dismal 
swamps and deceptive bogs, up rocky j)recipices and almost 
inaccessible mountains, along streams full of rapids and 
falls, and along and over all these obstacles the rude bat- 
teaux, the arms and ammunition, with w^hich to attack the 
strongest fortress in America, and all their provisions, sup- 
plies and clothing, to protect them from the rigor of a 
Canadian winter, now too rapidly approaching, were to be 
transported. 

Draft animals could not be used to any considerable ex- 
tent, as a large portion of this savage and desolate region 
was then inaccessible to any animals but those of the chase. 

At the falls near Korridgewack, the lirst portage was en- 
countered. Here the batteaux, ammunition, provisions, 
everything had to be taken from the water, and carried by 
hand a mile and a half around the falls. It was a task of 
great labor and fatigue, the banks being high, rocky and un- 
even. Upon unloading the boats it was found that a large 
portion of the provisions, especially the bread, had been 
spoiled by the leaks in the boats, and the various accidents 
and injuries which had happened in ascending the Kenne- 
bec. The carpenters were immediately set to work, and a 
week was expended in repairs, re-loading the boats, and 
getting ready to start. 

1. Thayer's Journal, p. 50. 



GO LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

While the soldiers were busy crossing this portage, Col- 
onel Arnold called a council of his officers, and with their 
concurrence letters w^ei*e dispatched by a friendly Indian, 
to certain gentlemen in Quebec, believed to be friendly, iu- 
■ forming them of the approach of the expedition.* Dis- 
patches were also sent to General Schuyler, but they did 
not reach their destination, and are supposed to have fallen 
into the hands of the enemy. 

As soon as the last boat was in the river, ready to start, 
Arnold in his bark canoe, still paddled by Indians, shot 
rajDidl}^ ahead of the rear division, and in two days came 
up with the first two divisions, at the great carrying place, 
some twelve miles below the junction of the Kennebec with 
the Dead river. Thus far, everything had been as favorable as 
he had anticipated, and although the force had been reduced 
by sickness and other causes to 950 men, yet both soldiers and 
officers were in good spirits, and all seemed as sanguine and 
hopeful as their leader. By this time they had learned 
w^hat manner of man this leader was, and he had fully 
secured the confidence and respect of the men. Lond 
cheers w^elcomed and followed his Indian canoe, as it passed 
and repassed forward and backward along the lines of his 
patient, resolute and toiling soldiers. For physical endnr- 
ance, activity and strength, he had few equals, and perhaps 
no superior in the expedition.'* 

The "great carrying place" was a distance of twelve or 
fifteen miles, across from the Kennebec to Dead river. The 
pioneer party had found this to be the most difficult part of the 
route. Rugged, rocky highlands, deep ravines, ponds, deep 
swamps, constantly succeeded each other. Still the faithful 
soldiers toiled on, sometimes rowing, sometimes jDushing 

1. Journal of Isaac Senter, p. 50, Sept. 7. " By a council of the officers, it was 
thought advisable to send letters into Quebec." 

2. Manuscript letter of Kev. Mr. Leake. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 61 

their boats with poles; often jumping ashore and puUinfr 
them with ropes, and then wading in the water up to their 
arm-pits. At night thej landed, kindled a fire in the forest, 
took their hard and scanty rations, sleeping on the ground, 
and with tlie early sunrise resumed their exhausting toiL 
Thus tliey worked their way, over the land, to the first 
pond, tlien in their boats floated down it, then another 
portage, tlien another pond, and again a portage, and a third 
pond and portage, until they reached the Dead Eiver. Sal- 
mon trout were caught, and occasionally the hunters suc- 
ceeded in bringing down a deer or an elk. Meanwhile 
Arnold caused an accurate account of provisions to be 
taken, and found that his supplies would last for twenty- 
fiv^e days, and he then confidently hoped to reach the waters 
of the Chaudiere in ten days. 

But as a matter of prudence, many being sick, he caused 
a block-house to be built near the second portage, called 
"Arnold's^ Hospital," at which the sick and exhausted were 
left. He had already given orders for another block-house 
near the Kennebec, as a depository for the provisions or- 
dered up from l^orridgewack. 

As the soldiers pushed their boats up Dead river, passing 
around a bend, a high mountain covered with snow rose be- 
fore them. Encamping near the foot of this mountain, 
Arnold raised his flag, and the incident has been commem- 
orated by giving the name of "Flagstafl"" to a village near 
bv, and the mountain has been named Mt. Biirelow, after 
Major Bigelow, who is said to have climbed to the top, in 
the hopes of seeing Quebec. 

Provisions were becoming scarce, and Arnold dispatched 
Lt. Colonel Greene with a party to the rear for sujjplies. 
Morgan and the riflemen had gone forward, and the com- 
mander followed with the second division. For three days 

1. Senters Journal, pp. 11 and 12. 



62 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

they encountered cold, drenching rains, and every man was 
wet to the skin, and all the baggage soaked with water. 
One night, abont the 23d of October, a fearful storm arose, 
the rain falling in torrents, so that the river rose eight to 
ten feet in this single night; the current became rapid, full 
of drift wood, and the channel difficult to find and follow, 
and portages frequent, and at length seven of the batteaux 
were upset, and their contents, including provisions, were 
lost. This was a very serious misfortune, for they were now 
in the very heart of the wilderness; weary, worn out, pro- 
visions poor and scanty, wintry winds howling around tliem, 
with unknown difficulties confronting them. Yet, in none 
of the journals is there any indication of despair; neither 
the men nor the officers, nor their leader, flinched from 
going forward, and it should be remembered that they were 
going towards and not from the enemy.^ On the 24th of 
October it w^as supposed that they were within thirty miles 
of Chaudiere pond, and that their provisions might, with 
great care, hold out for twelve or fifteen days. Another 
council was called, and it was decided to send back to the 
hospital the sick and feeble, and that only the strong and 
hardy should go forward. 

Arnold had written to AYashington on the 13th of Octo- 
ber, from the second portage, between the Kennebec and 
Dead river, when, after giving details of the expedition, he 
said: 

"Your excellency may possibly think we have been tardy in our 
march, * * but when you consider the badness and the weig-ht of the 
batteaux, the large quantity of provisions we have been x)bliged to force 
up against a very rapid stream, where yoa would have taken the men 
for amphibious animals, as they were a great part of the time under wa- 
ter; add to this the great fatigue in portage, you will think I have 
pushed the men as fast as could possibly be done." ^ 

1. Henry's Journal, p. 52. Maine His. Col. Vol. II, p. 476. 

2. Collections of Maine His. So., Vol. I, pp. 471, 472. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 63 

The next day lie wrote back '' to hurry up tlie provisions 

as fast as possible." On the ITth lie wrote to Lt. Colonel 

Enos from " Dead river, 20 miles above the portage: " 

" I find Colonel Greene's division very short of provisions. I have or- 
dered Major Bigelow, with thirty-one men out of each company, to return 
and meet your division, and bring up such provisions as you can spare, 
to be divided equally among the three. This will lighten the rear, and 
they will be able to make greater dispatch. * I make no doubt you will 
hurry on as fast as possible.' 

On the 24:th, Arnold, on Dead river, thirty miles from 
Chaudiere pond, writes again to Enos: "I have been de- 
layed by the extreme rains and freshets; have provisions 
for twelve or fifteen days," and adds that in a council of 
the officers it had been decided to send back all the sick and 
feeble, and directing Enos to select as many of his best men 
as he could furnish with provisions for fifteen days, and the 
remainder, sick and well, should be sent back, and he con- 
cludes: " I make no doubt von will ioin with me in this 
matter, as it may be the means of saving the whole detach- 
ment and executing our plan, as fifteen days will doubtless 
bring ns to Canada. I make no doubt you will make all 
possible expedition." 

On the same day he wrote to Greene: " Send Imck all the 
sick, and proceed on with the best men. Pray hurry as 
fast as possible^ 

Meanwhile Arnold himself was hurrying on with all pos- 
sible dispatch. The rain changed to snow, ice covered the 
water, and the men wadino^ and breakins: throuc^h snow 
and sleet, at length reached the very summit which sepa- 
rates the waters of ]^ew England from those of Canada. 
Another portage of four miles brought them to a small 
stream, along wdiich they passed to Lake Magentic, the 
Chaudiere pond. On the 27th Arnold addressed a letter 
to " Greene, Enos, and the captains in the rear," saying, '' I 

1. Maine His. Col., Vol. I, p. 473, 



6i LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

shall proceed as fast as possible to the inhabitants to send 
back provisions; pray make all possible dispatch." The 
day he reached Chaudiere pond he wrote to Washington, 
explaining the difficulties which had retarded his progress, 
saying, " I have this minute arrived." He explains how 
tlie provisions became short by losing a nnmber of loaded 
batteaux at the falls ; he had ordered all the sick and feeble 
to return. "I am determined," said he, " to set out imme- 
diately for Sartigan (the first French settlement) and procure 
a supply of provisions and send back to the detachment." * 
He adds that if he finds the enemy had not been apprised 
of his coming, he should attempt to surprise Quebec, " as 
soon as a proper number of men should arrive." He con- 
cluded by saying, " I have been deceived by every account 
of our route, which is longer, and has been attended by a 
thousand difficulties I never apprehended, but if crowned 
with success, I shall think it but trifling." 

On the very day previous to the date of the above letter, 
Washington, writing to Schuyler, says: "My anxiety ex- 
tends to poor Arnold, whose fate depends upon the issue 
of your campaign." ^ Again Washington writes to Schuy- 
ler: "I am alarmed for Arnold, whose expedition is built 
upon yours, and who will infallably perish if the invasion 
and entry into Canada is abandoned by your successor."^ 

On the 29th of October Arnold wrote "To the field- 
officers and the captains, and to be sent on, that all may 
see it," an encouraging letter, saying the scouts had re- 
ported that the French were rejoicing at his approach, and 
would gladly supph^ provisions; he tells them he had just 
met Steele and Church, and that he was going forward as 
fast as possible, and that he hoped in six days to send 
back provisions, and prays them to make all possible dis- 

1. Maine His. Col. Vol. I, pp. 476-477. 

2. Am. Archives, 4 S., Vol. Ill, p. 170. 

3. Am. Archives, 4 S , 1875, p. 076. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 65 

patch. If any could spare provisions, they were to divide 
with those most needy. ^ 

The same day he wrote again to Enos, unconscious that 
this officer had already abandoned the expedition, saying: 
"1 hope soon to see you in Quebec."'^ About this time it 
seems that the order of march by companies was given up, 
and all were urged, in their extremity, to push on with all 
possible speed towards the French settlements, to which 
Arnold himself was hastening, to obtain supplies. 

A few extracts from the journals of the soldiers will 

illustrate their condition better than any language I can 

use. Henry says: 

" October 29th our provisions were exhausted. We had no meat of any 
kind. The flour was divided, and each man had five pints, and it was 
baked into five cakes, under the ashes, in the way of Indian bread." ^ 

" We slept on fir branches, and on awakening in the morning", and the 
blanket thrown from my head, what was my surprise to find we had 
slept under at least four inches of snow." ^ 

Henry gives the details of the misfortunes of a poor 

drummer named Shafer, who had defective eye-sight. His 

mishaps, sometimes ludicruous, often pathetic, were caused 

by his imperfect sight. Some mischievous or heartless 

soldiers had stolen all his last liye cakes. The mess of which 

Henry was a party first laughed at him, and then gave him 

a cup full of flour and Henry gave him his own third cake. 

Often in crossing the gullies and ravines, the soldiers would 

cross on a log which had been blown down by the wind, or 

the ax men had felled. Often poor Shafer would tumble off,. 

drum and all, and he was, as Henry says, " the laughing 

stock " of the soldiers, but to Henry himself an object of 

compassion. Yet this poor drummer, half blind, starving, 

and almost, naked, "bore his drum uninjured to Quebec 

1. Maine His. Col., Vol. I, pp. 477-8. 

2. Maine His. Col., p. 478. 

3. Henry's Journal, pp. 59-G2. 

4. Henry's Journal, p. 63. 

6 



66 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

when many strong and hale men died in the wilder- 



ness." ^ 



Henry describes the endurance of the wife of Sergeant 
Greer, who was, lie says, " a large, virtnons and respectable 
woman," accompanying her husband and the soldiers in 
their march. Tliey encountered a pond frozen over with 
ice ; breaking the ice with their liands and guns, they 
marched on and soon found themselves " waist deep in 
water." He was astonished b}^ the endurance of Mrs. 
Greer, as she raised her clothes more than waist high, 
' to keep them dry.' She waded before me to firm ground, 
and no one dared intimate a disrespectful idea of her." ^ 

" Marching on, without even the path of the savage to 
o-uide us, we found a batteau to take us across which the 
providence of Col. Arnold had stationed there for our accom- 
modation." ^ 

" Thus we proceeded, the pale and meager looks of my 
companions tottering on their feeble limbs, ^ * and com- 
ms: to a sandy beach of the Chaudiere, some men of our 
company Avere observed to dart from the file, and with 
their nails tear out of the sand roots which tl>ey deemed 
eatable, and eat them raw. Powerful men struggled, even 
with blows, for these roots, such was the extremitj^ of their 
hunger. During the day's march (IS^ov. 2), I sat down on 
the end of a log, absolutely fainting with hunger and fatigue. 
A party of soldiers were making a broth. They gave me a 
cup of it." It had a greenish hue, and Henry tasted it. It 
was made of a dog, a large black Newfoundland, which had 
belonged to Captain Dearborn, and though a great favorite, 
and the faithful companion of their march, it was given up 
to appease the cravings of their hunger. " They eat," says 



1. Henry's Journal, p. C3. 

2. Henry's Journal, p. 67. 

3. Henry's Journal, p. G7. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 67 

Dearborn, " every part of him, not excepting his entrails,^ 
and then collected the bones to pound up and make broth 
for anotlier meal." There was only one other dog in the 
detachment. This, too, was killed and eaten. Old moose- 
hide breeches were boiled and then broiled on the coals and 
eaten. Some tried to make soup out of their old deerskin 
moccasins, but, although the poor fellows boiled them long, 
they were leather still. Many died from fatigue and hun- 
ger, frequently in four or five minutes after giving up and 
sitting down. Henry says these hardships produced among 
the men a willingness to die.^ But why multiply details; 
nothing induced these resolute men to murmur or com- 
plain. 

During all their sufferings and privations, such was 
Arnold's influence over them, and such the confidence he 
had inspired, there was no murmuring. He had shared 
every danger; they were satisfied he was doing the best that 
could be done, and they believed in his ability to take them 
through. The hour of supreme peril came at last, and 
speedy relief must be had, or the men would die by the 
hundred from absolute starvation. Selecting a small party 
of the strono-est men, Arnold started at 10 o'clock for the 
French settlement, and he made twenty miles in two hours, 
passing down the Chaudiere with all the speed possible. 
The river was rocky, rapid and dangerous, and now three of 
his batteaux dashing against the rocks, were stove in, losing 
all their baggage and provisions, and the men barely escap- 
ing with their lives. This disaster saved them all from 
death, for a half a mile farther on was an unknown and ter- 
rible fall, over which no boat could safely pass, and, if it 
liad not been discovered, all w^ould have perished. This 
man of iron, however, was still hopeful and determined, 

1. Letter of Dearborn, quoted in Thayer's Journal—note to page 15. 

2. Henry's Journal. 



68 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

and, dividing tlie small quantity of provisions still left, and 
taking with him but six men and two boats, he pressed on, 
conscious that the lives of hundreds of his brave, patient, 
devoted followers, depended on his success in procuring 
immediate succor. 

On the 30th of October, at night, he reached the first 
house, eighty miles from the lake, and wuth the next morn- 
ing's sun a supply of fresh provisions and flour had started 
and was hastening back, with all possible speed, yet none 
too soon to save the lives of his famishing soldiers.' 

Says one: " When we saw the cattle coming up the river 
that Arnold had sent, it was the joyfullest siglit I ever 
beheld, and some could not refrain from tears." 

Arnold sent careful instructions that the needy should 
take sparingly, and those who had provisions, to let what was 
sent pass on to those most in need, so that all might be 
relieved. On the 8th of November he wrote to Washing- 
ton, giving further details of his march, and saying that 
the detachment had all happily arrived within two or three 
day's march, except "Colonel Enos' division, which, I am sur- 
prised to hear, are all gone back," ^ and in spite of this and 
all other disasters, he writes hoj)efully of the success of the 
enterprise. 

The journals of these "' forty days in the wilderness," in- 
cluding Arnold's letters and journal, give a plain but vivid 
picture of the sufferings endured and the difiiculties over- 
come. The men had hauled or pushed their batteaux one 
hundred and eighty miles, and carried them and all their 
contents at least forty miles on their shoulders, and yet 
starving, half naked, nearly frozen, " fired with a love of 
liberty, the men pushed on with a fortitude superior to every 
obstacle."' 

1. Arnold to Washington, Maine His. Col. Vol. T, p. 482. 

2. Arnold to Washington, Nov. 8, 177G. Maine His. Col. Vol. I, p. 482. 

3. Letter of Arnold ; Maine Hist. Col., Vol. I, p. 496. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 69 

The desertion of Eiios was very nearly fatal to the expe- 
dition. The party that returned took back with them, ac- 
cording to Dr. Senter, more than their proportion of the 
provisions, and thus contributed to the extreme scarcity of 
food.^ 

On his arrival at Cambridge, Enos was put under arrest 
by Washington, tried, and although acquitted (the wit- 
nesses against him, many of them, being where he ought 
to have been — in Canada), yet he never acquired again the 
confidence of the commander, and left the army.'' 

Washington writes to Schuyler: "In consequence of 
Enos' return, Arnold will not be able to make a successful 
attack on Quebec, without the co-operation of Montgom- 
ery.'" _ 

]^othing could exceed the indignation felt towards Enos, 
by those whom he had abandoned. Henry says, " Enos' 
desertion was worthy of punishment of the most exem- 
plary kind." * " Enos got frightened, and with the greater 
part of the provisions turned back." It is somewhat sur- 
prising that the impetuous and passionate Arnold, in writ- 
ing to Washington of this desertion, says only, " Colonel 
Enos' division, I am surprised to hear, are all gone back." ° 
To which Washington replies, " Your surprise could not 
be greater than mine at Enos' return." ® "I immediatelv 
put him under arrest, and had him tried for quitting your 
detachment without your orders." ^ 

1. See Dr. Senter's Journal, p. 17. "We were left the alternative of accepting the 
small pittance, and proceed or return. The former was adopted, with the deter- 
mined resolution to go through or die." 

2. " His appearance excited the greatest indignation in the continental camp, 
and Enos was looked upon as a traitor for thus deserting his companions and 
endangering the whole expedition."— Lossing's Field Book of the Revolutijn,Vol. I, 
p. 182. 

3. Force's Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1703. 

4. Henry's Journal, p. 132. 

5. Appendix to Henry's Journal, p. 18G. 

6. Am. Archives, 4 S., Vol. III. p. 192. 

7. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, pp. 192-3. 



70 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Writing to Schuyler, Washington expresses his relief and 
joy at Arnold's safe arrival, and adds, " The merit of that 
officer is certainly great, and I heartily wish that fortune 
may distinguish him as one of her favorites. He will do 
everything which prudence and valor can suggest." * 

Henry relates an incident, having reference to himself, 
illustrating the character of Arnold. As the army were 
approaching the St. Lawrence, Henry became so ill he could 
not march, and he seated himself on a log by the side of 
the road while the troops passed by. " In the rear," says 
he, " came Arnold on horseback," Seeing the young sol- 
dier sitting by the roadside, pale and dejected, Arnold 
halted and dismounted, ran down to the river, and hailed 
the owner of the house which stood opposite. The Cana- 
dian quickly came, and "took me into his boat, and Arnold 
placing two silver dollars in my hand, the Frenchman car- 
ried me to his house," and there he was kindly cared for 
until he was able to join his comrades. ^ ^ 

An officer in the expedition, writing from near Quebec, 
IN^ov. 21st, gives his impressions of Arnold. "Our com- 
mander," says he, "is a gentleman worthy of the trust 
reposed in him; a man, I believe, of invincible courage, of 
great prudence; ever serene, he defies the greatest danger 
to affect him, or difficulties to alter his temper; in fine, you 
will ever find him the intrepid hero and the unruffled 
Christian." " 

Such appeared Arnold to his comrades on the march to 
Canada. 

The candid student of history, after reading the various 
journals of this expedition, including the modest one of 
Arnold, and his letters to Washington, will not, I think, 

1. Am. Arch. 4 S., Vol. IV, p. 191. 

2. Henry's Journal, p. 77. 

3. The praise of the soldiers he led to Boston, of being " a very humane and 
tender oflScer," seems to have been well merited. 

4. Henry 's Journal, appendix, p. 185. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 71 

witliliold the conclusion that it was conducted with con- 
summate ability. During all the difficulties I have at- 
tempted to describe, all testimony concurs in establishino- 
that the leader possessed great executive ability; that he 
was resolute, ever thoughtful, vigilant and active, and saga- 
cious in overcoming obstacles. He had such control over 
his men that none subject to tlie magnetism of his personal 
presence yielded to despondency. It was those only who 
were behind with Enos who harbored the thouirht of aban- 
doning the enterprise. This power of inspiring men with 
enthusiasm, liolding them up to a higli purpose in the face 
of danger, is rare, and has always marked the great leaders 
of men. This power was exhibited by Arnold in a very- 
remarkable degree, not only in this expedition, but in tlie 
hard battles which lie afterwards fouo:ht. Washington, as 
we shall see in the progress of this narrative, recognized 
this power and sent him to the post of danger, not only on 
account of his courage, but also because of his power over 
the militia and his ability to naake them fight like veterans. 
In the midst of solitude, far from succor, cold, ill-clad, 
sometimes freezing, often nearly starved, nothing but 
enthusiasm for their cause, and perfect confidence in their 
leader, could have created and held them up to their reso- 
lute purpose. It is impossible to read the details of the 
expedition without being struck with wonder at the energy 
and perseverance which surmounted such obstacles. The 
intelligent and impartial foreign historian, Botta, speaks of 
the achievement as entitling its leader to be ranked " among 
the great captains of antiquity." But for Arnold's treason, 
this march and the assault upon Quebec would have been a 
favorite theme of poetry and eloquence, and the record 
thereof one of the brightest pages in American history. Is 
it iust to his brave associates to sav nothins: of Arnold himself, 
to rob them of their well-earned glory, because it would 



72 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARiXOLD. 

illuminate a traitor's name? The sober and measured lan- 
guage of Washington warms into pathos, and almost j)as- 
sionate eloquence, when speaking of their exploits and suf- 
ferings. Indeed, such was tlie impression that Arnold's 
difficulties and conduct made upon him, that he closes his 
letter of December 5th with the prayer: " That the Almighty 
may preserve and prosper you, in the glorious work you 
have begun, is the sincere and fervent prayer of, dear sir, 

etc." ' 

This expedition has been compared to that of ISTapoleon 
crossing the Alps, the retreat of the 10,000 described by 
Xenophon, and to Bonaparte's retreat Irom Moscow; but 
in justice to the American soldiers, it should be remem- 
bered that this was an advance and not a retreat. Every dif- 
ficulty overcome placed them nearer the enemy, and farther 
from their friends. Every obstacle they surmounted was a 
barrier against retreat. Taking it altogether, it is not ex- 
travagant to say that for tough endurance and unflinching 
courage, it is difficult to find its parallel.^ 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 192. 

2. In a letter dated Nov. 27, Arnold gives a brief summing up ( f the expedition: 
" Thus in about eight weeks we completed a march of near GOO miles, not to be 
paralleled in history; the men having, with the greatest fortitude and persever- 
ance brought their batteaux up rapid streams, being obliged to wade almost the 
whole way, near one hundred and eighty miles ; carried them on their shoulders 
near forty miles, over swamps and bogs almost impenetrable, and up to their knees 
in mire, being often obliged to cross them three or four times with their baggage. 
Short of provisions, part of the detachment disheartened and gone back, famine 
staring us in the face; an enemy's country and uncertainty ahead. Notwithstand- 
ing all these obstacles, the oflQcers and men, inspired with a love of liberty and 
their country, pushed on with a fortitude superior to every obstacle, and most of 
them had not one day s provisions for a week."— .Vame His. Col. of Vol. I, pp. 495-&, 



CIIAPTEE IV. 

ASSAULT Uf ON QUEBEC. 

"It is not in the power of any man to command success, but you have done 
more; you have deserved \t."—Wat<hingto7i to Ainold, (1) 

" 'Tis not in mortals to command success, 
But we '11 do more, Sempronius, we '11 deserve it." 

—Addison^s Cato. 

Arnold Holds an Indian Councel— His Speech to the I ndians— Crosses the St. 
Lawrence— Climbs to the Plains of Abraham, and Menaces Quebec— Re- 
ceives Th anks op vv ashington"a n15 SciTuY ler— Montgotniery and Arnold 
Assault Qupbec— Mo>;tg)mery Kit.led— Arnold shot While Leading the 
. '' ^i.uoiLi y'Ttop'E " —Made AjBrigadier-General— Blockades Quebec. 

The energy and activity of Colonel Arnold saved his 
detachment from actual starvation, but it taxed both to the 
utmost. A few hours more without relief would have seen 
many of his gallant men helpless and dying in the forest. 

By the 8th of November nearly all of the detachment, 
except the rear division, had reached his camp at the French 
settlements. The men came straggling in, singly, in 
squads of small parties, and in companies. Their comman- 
der immediately set about re-organizing "the straggling 
and emaciated troops."^ On the 4th of J^ovember, while 
the soldiers w^ere coming in, a body of Indians occupyiuii: 
as their hunting grounds a part of the territory over which 
Arnold had marched, waited upon him at Sartignan, and 
with all the formality and dignity wdiich characterize an 

L Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 192. 
2. Henry's Journal, p. 7G. 

(73) 



74 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Indian council, demanded the cause of liis entering upon 
their territor}^ 

Colonel Arnold made a formal reply, saying: 

"Fkiends and Brethrex: — I feel myself very happy in meeting with 
so many of my brethren from the different quarters of the great country, 
and more so, as I find we meet as friends, and that we are equally con- 
cerned in this expedition. Brothers, we are the children of those people 
who have now taken up the hatchet against us. More than one hundred 
years ago we were all as one family. We then dif][ered in our religion, 
and came over to this great country by consent of the king. Our fathers 
bought land of the savages, and have grown a great people — even as 
the stars in the sky. We have planted the ground, and by our labor 
grown rich. Now a new king and his wicked great men want to take 
our lands and money without our consent. This we think unjust, and all 
our great men, from the river St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, met together 
at Philadelphia, where they all talked together, and sent a prayer to the 
king that they would be brothers and fight for him, but would not give 
up their lands and money. The king would not hear our prayer, but 
sent a great anny to Boston and endeavored to set our brethren against 
us in (. anada. The king's arraj^ at Boston came out into the fields and 
houses, killed a great many women and children while they were peace- 
ably at work. The Bostonians sent to their brethren in the country, and 
they came in unto their relief, and in six days raised an army of fifty 
thousand men, and drove the king's troops on board their ships, killed 
and wounded fifteen hundred of their men. Since that they durst not 
come out of Boston. Now we hear the French and Indians in Canada 
have sent to us that the king's troops oppress them, and make them pay 
a great price for their rum, etc., press them to take up arms against the 
Bostonians, their brethren, who have done them no hurt. By the desire 
of the French and IndiEins, our brothers, we have come to their assist- 
ance, with an intent to drive out the king's soldiers; when drove off, we 
will return to our own country, and leave this to the peaceable enjoyment 
of its proper inhabitants. 

Now if the Indians, our brethren, will join us, we will be very much 
obliged to them, and will give them one Portuguese per month, two dol- 
lars bounty, and find them their provisions, and the liberty to choose 
their own officers." ^ 

This remarkable and curious speech had the desired 
effect. A treaty was entered into; the principal chief, 
Natanis, with his brother Sabatis, with about fifty war- 

1. Journal of Dr. Isaac Senter, p. 23. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 75 

riors, joined the expedition, and served faitlifullj in the 
eflforts against Quebec. The French and Canadians kindly 
welcomed ''the Bostonians," as they called the soldiers of 
the United Colonies, furnished them with supplies, and 
gave such manifestations of friendship as encouraged the 
officers of the expedition to hope for their active aid and 
co-operation. Tlie detachment being again organized, were 
not permitted to linger; for Arnold, ever sanguine, still 
entertained hopes of surprising Quebec. The beautiful 
valley of tJie Chaudiere sj)read out before tliem, and across 
the St. Lawrence was Quebec, the city and fortress, for tlie 
capture of which they had been so long toiling. The weary 
soldiers would gladly have lingered to recruit their ex- 
hausted strength; but, says an officer in his journal, " we 
were not permitted to tarry at any place, but marched as 
fast as our strength would admit, to Point Levi." ^ All 
along the march Arnold caused to be distributed a mani- 
festo from Washington to the Canadians, which had been 
prepared, translated into French, and printed before his 
departure from Cambridge, assuring them of the friendship 
of the United Colonies, and asking their co-operation 
and assistance. The people were treated with the utmost 
kindness and respect, and nothing was left undone to con- 
ciliate their good will. 

Such was the celerity of Arnold's movements, that with- 
in ten days after his arrival at the settlements with his 
live or six attendants, he had gathered in, and reorganized 
his men; had marched seventy-five miles to Point Levi, and 
by the thirteenth of December all his soldiers, except the 
sick and disabled, had gathered around him ; and now across 
the St. Lawrence towered the citadel of Quebec. The 
walls of the city were bristling with heavy ordnance. The 
British authorities, apprised of his approach, had burned 

1. See Appendix to Henry's Journal, p. 183. 



76 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

every boat on the river, and sentineled the channel with 
vessels of war. Could he have found the means of cross- 
ing immediately on his arrival, it is probable Quebec would 
have fallen into his hands/ "We tarried at Point Levi 
nearly a week, during which time we were busy in prepar- 
ing to cross the river ; being obliged to purchase birch-bark 
canoes twenty miles distant and carry them by land, the 
regulars having burned all near them as soon as they heard 
of our approach." ^ During this time there had prevailed a 
terrible storm of wind and sleet, which rendered any at- 
tempt to cross impossible ; meanwhile the garrison had been 
strengthened by troops from ^N^ewfoundland and from the 
Sorell, under McLain. The storm having abated, on the 
thirteenth, at nine o'clock at night, Arnold with his bark 
canoes succeeded in eluding a British frigate and sloop, and 
other vessels stationed in the river to intercept him ; and 
before he was discovered, had landed five hundred men at 
AVolfe's Cove, leaving one hundred and fifty on the other 
side unable to cross. 

At daybreak on the following morning, lie and his troops 
had climbed the difficult path and formed his little army on 
the plains of Abraham. Here, sixteen years before, Wolfe 
liad died at the hour of victory, repeating the lines of his 
favorite poet Gray, 

" The paths of glory lead but to tli3 grave." 

His victory and death had given him a monument in 
Westminster Abbey, and his name had been added to the 
roll ot heroes which illustrate the records of England's 
military glory. Were the Americans and their leader, now 

1. When Arnold appeared opposite Quebec, "this daring spirit was moved to 
an immediate advance. That instant of time was one of those which contain vast 
possibilities, and Arnold was a man peculiarly prompt to seize opportunities for 
daring adventure." — Carrington's Battles of the Revolution, p. 130. 

2. ■ Letter of an officer of the expedition published in the appendix to Henry's 
Journal, p. 184. 



irn 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 77 

standing on this historic "plain," less brave and meritorious 
than those who overcame Montcalm? 

How did the enterprise of Wolfe and that of Arnold 
compare in point of difhculty and danger? When AYolfe 
led his troops to the plains of Abraham, his fleet consisting 
of twenty-two ships of the line, completely commanded the 
river, while Arnold had crossed in frail bark canoes and 
landed his soldiers by stealth, the St. Lawrence being abso- 
lutely controlled by British men-of-war. 

Wolfe had an army of thousands of well trained, well 
equipped, well armed veterans, while the Americans did 
not exceed six hundred effective men — and these in ra^rs, 
bare-footed, worn with fatigue, armed with damaged mus- 
kets, and without artillery; yet, with these few men, and 
relying on the friendly feeling of the people within the 
city, and of the Canadian militia, Arnold determined, if 
possible, to provoke a sally and an attack by the garrison, 
as Wolfe had done. He marched his men up to the walls, 
gave cheers, to which some of the citizens responded, and 
tried by every means to provoke an attack, but in vain ; 
wiser but less chivalrous than Montcalm, the English kept 
within the shelter of their walls.^ Arnold says, " my men 
were in want of everything but stout hearts, and would 
have gladly met the enemy, whom we endeavored in vain 
to draw out of the city." ^ ' 

The garrison at this time, including regulars, marines and 
militia, were some eighteen hundred strong, but such were 
the fears felt by Lieutenant Governor Cramaha and Colonel 
McLain of the loyalty of the inhabitants and of the militia, 
and so great were the apprehensions created by the assailants, 

1. " Suppose the Marquis of Montcalm not to quit his intrenched lines to accept 
that strange challenge (of Wolfe) * * * and what becomes of the glory of the 
young hero ? " — Thackeray' s Henry Esmond. 

2. This act of Arnold has been condemned as "silly bravado," but a similar act 
of Montgomery, where the superiority of the garrison over his troops was equally 
great, has not been so characterized. 



78 LIFE OF BENEDICT AR:N"0LD. 

that with all their superiority of numbers, they would not 
venture outside the walls. Arnold then sent a flag demand- 
ing the surrender of the city, but the bearer of it was tired 
upon.^ Hearing that Sir Guy Carleton was approaching with 
reinforcements from up the river, and after finding that he 
had ammunition only for five rounds to a man, Arnold 
thought it prudent to retire; and he succeeded in taking 
his troops to Point aux Trembles, twenty miles above Que- 
bec, there to await the arrival of Montgomery, who was 
approaching. This retreat was none too soon, for he had 
scarcely reached his camp when the great guns of Quebec 
announced the arrival of Sir Guy Carleton, the same who 
had been a subaltern under Wolfe at the time of his victory 
over Montcalm. A\^ashington, with a generous aj^precia- 
tion, never blind to the merits of his subordinates, wrote to 
Arnold, saying, '• It is not in the power of any man to com- 
mand success; but you have done more — you have deserved 
it." At this time, ignorant of his retreat from the walls of 
the city, he adds: " I hope you have met with the laurels 
which were due to your trials in the possession of Quebec." 
" My thanks are sincerely oftered to you for your enterprise 
and persevering spirit." And on another occasion, Wash- 
ington, after expressing his hopes for Arnold's success, sa3's: 
''Then you will have added the only link wanting in the 
irreat chain of continental union, and rendered the freedom 
of your country secure." ^ General Schuyler, WTiting to 
Washington, says: "Colonel Arnold has great merit. He 
has been peculiarly unfortunate that one-third of his troops 
left him. If the whole had been with him when he arrived 
at Quebec, he would probably have had the sole honor of 
giving that important place to America."^ 

1. Maine His. Soc. Col. Vol. I, p. 494. 

2. Am. Archives, 4th S.,Vol. IV, p. 192. 

3. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 226. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 70 

The alarm of tlic Canadians on seeing tliese resolute men 
emerge from the wilderness, was very great. Their 
march through the forests and over the mountains seemed 
almost incredible, and the most exaggerated reports of their 
numbers, their skill with the rifle, and indomitable prowess, 
spread through the country. 

This alarm — panic would describe it more accurately — 
prevented the English from attacking the Americans. Some 
acts of Arnold which have been criticised as " vanity " and 
"bravado," were among the ineans he used to keep up this 
alarm, he being one of those who act upon the principle 
that boldness, even to temerity, is sometimes prudence. 
" The}^ best succeed who dare." 

On the 19th of ^November Carleton arrived at Quebec, and 
his coming inspired the loyalists with hope and confidence. 
Montgomery, who had succeeded to the command of Schuy- 
ler's army, had thus far been brilliantly successful. He had 
captured St. Johns and Montreal, and came down the St. 
Lawrence, hoping to complete his career of triumph by 
taking Quebec. But his troops were undisciplined and 
sometimes turbulent, so that liis authority over them rested 
largely upon his personal influence. The time of the en- 
listment of many of them having expired at the ap]3roach 
of winter, rendered them unwilling to remain, and he was 
left with eight hundred men only with which to garrison 
Montreal and go down to aid Arnold in the capture of Que- 
bec. On the third of December he reached Arnold's cam]:) 
at Point aux Trembles, and brought with him but three hun- 
dred men. He however brought clothing and stores, to 
relieve the necessities and sufferings of the hardy men who 
gladly w^elcomed him. He found only six hundred and sev- 
enty-five of those who had left Cambridge; these he re- 
lieved, and w^as impressed by them, as he says, " with a 
style of discipline much superior to what I have been used 
to see in this campaign." '' Colonel Arnold's cor23S,"says 



80 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

lie, ^' is an exceedingly fine one, and lie himself is active, 
intelligent and enterprising." ' 

Montgomery and Arnold seem, from their letters, to have 
inspired each other with mutual respect and confidence, 
and there was the most cordial co-operation between them. 
Both were young, enthusiastic, and fired with a love of 
glory. At the time of the assault Montgomery was thirty- 
seven, and Arnold thirty-four years of age.'^ On the 5th of 
December this little army, not exceeding one thousand men, 
with a regiment of two hundred Canadian volunteers, 
which Arnold had raised, and a few Indians who had fol- 
lowed him from the wilds of Maine, marched down towards 
Quebec, unquestionably the strongest fortified city in 
America, defended by two hundred cannon and a garrison 
of double the number of the assailants. The assault must 
be made at an early day, for the terms of the enlistment of a 
large number of the i^ew England men would expire on 
the 31st of December, and man 3^ had left families at home to 
which they were impatient to return. Montgomery sent a 
fiag demanding the surrender of the town. It was fired upon, 
as was that sent by Arnold, and refused admittance. Then, 
following the example of Arnold, he sent "a menacing and 
extravagant letter" to the commander, but Carleton refused 
to hold " any kind of parley with rebels." ^ " To the storm- 
ing we must come at last," said the gallant Montgomery. 

A council of war was called and the two leaders, sus- 
tained by their subordinates, resolved on tlie desperate and 
almost forlorn hope of an assault. It was arranged that 
Montgomery should attack the lower town by the way of 
Cape Diamond on the river, and Arnold on the side of St. 

1. Montgomery to Schuyler, Dec. 5th, 1775; Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 189. 

2. The monument to Montgomery in St. Paul s church-yard, New York, states 
that he was aged 37 years at the time of his death. 

3. Los.'.ing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. I, p. 486. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AIN^D HIS TREASOX. 81 

Roqne, while two feigned attacks were to be made on otlier 
parts of the city. 'On tlie last day of the year, in the midst 
of a driving snow-storm, Montgomery and Arnold led in 
person the two assaulting parties. The troops were started 
at two A. M., and that they might recognize each other in 
the darkness and storm, each soldier wore on his cap a band 
of white paj)er, on which many wrote the electric words 
'' Libert}^ or death." For many of those gallant fellows, 
there was to be no to-morrow, no Neio ITeafs day. Yet 
they were cheerful, confiding in their leaders and hopeful 
of success. Montgomery at the head of his party marched 
from his quarters at Holland house, to "Wolfe's Cove, thence 
for two miles along the shore of the St. Lawrence to the barrier 
under Cape Diamond. The carpenters instantly began to 
saw^ off the pickets; entering the opening thus made, Mont- 
gomery found himself, with his aids, in advance of his 
troops, and sent back messengers to hurry them forward; 
continuing to press onward himself, until, directly in his 
front, a log house with loop-holes for muskets and a bat- 
tery of two three-pounders intercepted his passage. This 
log house was held by a party of British soldiers and sea- 
men, and as Montgomery and his party approached, "a 
part of the guard was seized with a panic; but the com- 
mander restored order and the sailors stood at their guns 
with lighted linstocks." Montgomery paused inside the 
pickets until about sixty of his men joined him, then 
shouting, '• Men of New York, you will not fear to follow 
where your general leads; come on, my brave boys, and 
Quebec is ours!" he rushed forward towards the battery. 
As he and his j^arty came running up, the cannon, loaded 
with grape-shot, were discharged into their breasts, and 
Montgomery, his aid McPherson, and young Cheeseman, 
and ten others, instantly fell. Their leaders killed, the col- 
umn broke and fled. This left the garrison free to concen- 




82 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

trate all its force upon the attack Arnold was making on 
the northeastern side of the town, he himself leading the 
" forlorn hope " of ahout twenty -five men. 

Had Montgomery and Arnold made the assault with expe- 
rienced soldiers, both would have been justly censured for 
the great personal exposure which resulted in the death of 
one and the severe wounding of the other; removing them 
at the moment their services were most needed. But each 
led militia, many of whom had probably never been under 
serious tire, and Avhile these troops would cheerfully follow 
and obey the order — " Come on, boys " — they might hesitate 
and falter if told to " go ahead, boys." Arnold, therefore, 
as usual with him, led the forlorn hope, marching about one 
hundred yards before the main body. ^ 

As he reached Palace Gate, in the midst of a wild storm, 
the alarm was ringing from all the bells of the city, drums 
were beating, and the artillery opened upon him. With 
their fearless leader at their front, the party ran along in 
single file, bending down their heads to avoid the storm, and 
covering their guns with their coats to keep their powder 
dry. Lamb, with a field-piece upon a sled, and Morgan, 
with his riflemen, followed. The first barrier was at the 
Sault au Matelot; approaching this the party found them- 
selves in a narrow way, swept by a battery, with soldiers 
firing upon them from houses on each side of the passage. 
Arnold, advancing rapidly towards the barrier, cheering his 
men to the assault, was struck by a musket l)an, at the 
moment of its capture. His leg was broken and he fell 
forward upon the snow. Rising with great effort, being 
able to use only one leg, he endeavored to press forward, 
nd refused to be carried from the field until the main body 
came up. Dr. Senter, who accompanied the expedition as 

1. " Arnold, leading the forlorn hope, advanced perhaps one hundred yards 
before the main body."— Hem-y's Journal, p. 107. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TEEASON. 83 

surgeon, says: " Daylight had scarcely made its appear- 
ance ere Colonel Arnold was brought in, supported by two 
soldiers, wounded in the leg by a piece of a musket ball." ' 
^*']^ow," says Henry, " we saw Colonel Arnold returning, 
wounded in the leg, supported by two gentlemen. Arnold 
called to the troops in a cheering voice as we passed, 
urging us forward." ^ His steps from the barricade to the 
hospital could be traced by the blood which flowed from his 
wound. 

Meanwhile, Morgan, Porterfleld, Greene, and others, press- 
ing up and forward, carried the battery and took the guard 
prisoners; they pressed on to the second barricade, and the 
most heroic efforts were made to carry it, also. The voice 
of the gallant Morgan could be heard above the storm, 
cheering on his riflemen to the assault; but, unsupported by 
others, they were too few to succeed. 

Some retreated; more, including Morgan, Greene, Meigs, 
Hendricks and others, of the gallant band who followed 
Arnold through the wilderness, were compelled to sur- 
render. While his detachment w^as still fiorhino^, Arnold, 
"not for a moment forgetful of his duty," writes from the 
hos]3ital to AVooster, in command at Montreal, giving an 
account of the disaster as far as known, and askins: for 
reinforcements.^ As reports of continued disasters came 
into the hosj)ital where he lay, 

"We entreated Colonel Arnold," says Dr. Senter, "for his own safety 
to be carried back into the country, where they could not readily find him, 
but to no purpose. He would neither be removed nor suffer a man from 
the hospital to retreat. He ordered his pistols loaded, with a sword on 
his bed, adding, he was determined to kill as many as possible, if they 
came into the room. AVe were now all soldiers; even to the wounded in 
their beds were ordered a gun by their side, that, if they did attack the 

1. " Two-thirds of the ball entered the outer side of the leg, about midway, and 
in an oblique course between the tibia and the fibula, and lodged in the muscle at 
the rise of the tendon Achilles." — Dr. Isaac Sentei's Journal, p. 34. 

2. Henry's Journal, p. 109. 

3. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. I, p. 502. 



84 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

hospital, to make the most vigorous defense possible. Orders were also 
sent out into the villages round the city, to the captains of the militia, to 
immediately assemble to our assistance." ^ 

Carleton, still distrusting the loyalty of tlie people, sent 
out no troops in pursuit, and the American camp was un- 
disturbed. On the sixth of January, Arnold, still in the 
hospital, writes:'' 

"The command of the army by the death of my truly great and good 
friend, General Montgomery, devolves upon me, a task I find too heavy 
under my present circumstances. I received a wound by a ball through 
my left leg, at the time I had gained the first battery at the lower town, 
which, by loss of blood, rendered me very weak. As soon as the main 
body came up, I retired to the hospital, near a mile, on foot, being 
obhged to draw one leg after me, and a great part of the way under the 
continued fire of the enemy from the walls, at no greater distance than 
fifty yards." 

But, notwithstanding his wound, his eyes were fastened 
longingly on the walls of Quebec, " and," says this indomita- 
ble mon, " I have no thoughts of leaving this proud town un- 
til I first enter it in triumph," * * "My wound has been 
exceedingly painful, but is now easy"; and "the Providence 
which has carried me through so many dangers is still my 
protection." '" ^^ "I am in the way of my duty and know 
no fear." 

[lad the ball that shattered his leg, pierced his heart, his 
"would have been associated with the names of Wolfe and 
SMontgomery, among the heroes wdio have died for their 
country. Eut there was work for him yet to do in aiding 
to achieve the independence of his country. Patriot blood 
still coursed through his heart, and he was destined, on 
still more sanguinary battle-fields, to shed that blood freely, 
for his country ; and then attempt to betray it. His 

1. Senter's Journal, p. 35. 

2. Am, Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 533. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 85 

services were effective — Providence rendered his treason 
abortive. 

As soon as the news of the attack upon Quebec reached 
Congress, that body unanimouslv promoted him to the rank 
of Brigadier General, as a reward for his gallantry in the 
assault, as well as for his skill, address and energy in con- 
ducting his army through the wilderness. On the thir- 
teenth of February, he wrote to Congress, returning thanks 
for his promotion, wdiich, says he. "^ I shall study to de- 
serve." * 

Schuyler, writing to Washington, and referring to the 
attack on Quebec, says, with manly feeling: " The gallant 
Montgomery is no more! the brave Arnold is wounded, 
and we have met with a severe check in an unsuccessful 
attack ujon Quebec.'"' 

"Washington replies with equal feeling: "I condole with 
you on the fall of the brave and worthy Montofomerv." 
" ^' '' and I am much concerned for the intrepid and 
enterprising Arnold." 

Grateful for the kind consideration and good wishes 
which Washington's letters had expressed, Arnold replies* 
" 1 am greatly obliged for your good wishes and the con- 
cern you express for me. Sensible of the vast importance 
of this country, you may be assured, my utmost exertions 
shall not be wanting to effect your wishes in adding it to 
the United Colonies. I am able to hobble about my room, 
though my leg is a little contracted and weak; I hope soon 
to be ready for action." ^ Some historians, unw^illing to com- 
mend and industriously seeking cause of complaint against 
Arnold, have criticised his conduct at Quebec, suggesting 
that if he had done this, or that he might have succeeded. 
To such critics, let Washington's letters reply. This calm, 

1. Am. Archives, 4th S.. Vol. IV, p. 1017. 

2. Irving's Washington, p. 4Go. 

3. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 1574. 




86 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

just man, who understood all the facts and difficulties, had 
no language but that of unqualified praise and approbation. 
Had Arnold been killed instead of Montgomery, no words 
would have been too strong to have expressed the commen- 
dation of his country. 

Sir Guy Carleton treated the prisoners he had captured 
with great kindness. Montgomery had been a fellow soldier 
with him in the British army, and both had been present at 
the storming of Quebec in 1759. Learning by a communi- 
cation from Arnold that Montgomery had upon his person, 
when he fell, a watch which the widow of this gallant soldier 
desired to obtain, he sent it to her through the American 
commander.^ The gallantry of Montgomery and Arnold; 
the death of one and the severe wound of the other, created 
a profound sensation throughout the United Colonies. As 
they had been joined as first and second in command, and 
as each had fallen at the head of his troops, their names 
were associated together, and both were for the time the 
popular idols.'^ 

1. " Montgomery had a watch on his person which Mrs. Montgomery was very 
desirous of obtaining. She made her wish known to Arnold, who sent word to 
Carleton that any sum would be paid for it. Carleton immediately sent the watch 
to Arnold, and refused to receive anything in return."— iossm^r s Field Book of 
JtcvoluUon, Vol. I, p. 200. 

2. As one evidence of this the Pennsylvania committee of safety in March, 
1776, fitted out a sloop-of-war, and named her "The Montgomery," and a floating 
battery which they named " The Arnold."— ^ni. Archives, 4th S., Vol. V, p. 730. 

Also Oration of Dr. Smith before Congress, as follows: 

Extract from "An Oration in memory of General Montgomery, and of the Officers 
and Soldiers who fell with him December 31bt, 1775, before Quebeck ; drawn up 
(and delivered February, 1776,) at the desire of the Honorable Continental Con- 
gress, by William Smith, D. D., Provost of the College and Academy of Philadel- 
phia."— ^m. Archives, ith S., Vol. IV, pp. 1775, 1776. 

After speaking of Montgomery in the highest terms, the orator says : 

"Leaving him, therefore, for a while— alas, too short a while— to enjoy the noblest* 
of all triumphs, the applause of his country, and the conscious testimony of his 
own heart, let us inquire after another band of brave and hardy men, who are 
stemming rapid rivers, ascending pathless mountains, traversing unpeopled des- 
erts, and hastening through deep morasses and gloomy woods to meet him in 
scenes of another issue. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 87 

Arnold, tliougli confined to the hospital with his wound, 
and surrounded with every imaginable difficulty, had no 
thought of giving up the enterprise. With a force less by 
half than the garrison of Quebec, he kept up the blockade. 
General "Wooster, then in command, writes to Congress, 
February fourteenth: "General Arnold has, in a most sur- 
prising manner, kept up the blockade of Quebec, and that 
with half the number of the enemv." And on the twentv- 
tifth of February, he writes to Washington, saying: " Gen- 
eral Arnold, to his great honor, kept up the blockade with 

" Deserts in vain 



Opposed their course, and deep rapacious floods. 
And mountains in whose jaws destruction grinn'd, 
Hunger and toil— Armerdan shores and storms ! 
Greece in their view, and glory yet untouched. 
They held their fearless way— oh! strength of mind 
Almost almighty in severe extremes!"— T/wmso?i. 

This praise was paid to ten thousand heroes, sustaining every danger, in a re- 
treat to their own country, and is certainly d\ie, so far as heroism is concerned, to 
less than a tenth part of the number, maiching through equal difF.culties against a 
capital of a hostile country. 

Even the march of Hannibal over the Alps, so much celebrated in historj' (allow- 
ing for the dii-parity of numbers.) has nothing in it of superior merit to the mar>!h 
of Arnold; and in many circumstances there is a most striking similitude. The 
former had to encounter the rapid Rhone : the latter the more rapid Kennebeck, 
through an Immense length of country. The former, when he came to quit the 
river, found his farther passage barred by mountains, rearing their snowy crests to 
the sky, rugged, wild, uncultivated. This was also the case with the latter, whose 
troops, carrying their boats and baggage, were obliged to cross and recross the 
same mountains sundry times. At the foot of the mountains the former was de- 
serted by three thousand of his army, desponding at the length of the way, and 
terrified at the hideous view of those stupendous heights, which they considered as 
impassable. In like circumstances, about a third part of the army of the latter, 
deserted, shall I say, or use the more courteous language, "returned home." The 
march of the former was about twelve hundred miles in five months. The Vir- 
ginia and Pennsylvania rifle companies belonging to the latter, including their 
first march from their own habitations to Cambridge, and thence to Quebec, 
marched near the same distance in about three months. 

Besides these rifle companies, Arnold's corps consisted of about five hundred 
New England troops, who sustained all the fatigues of the worst part of the march 
bj^ land and water, with the utmost fortitude. And Gen. Montgomery, ever 
ready to do justice to merit, having joined them before Qnebeck, gives their com- 
mander and them this character : " They are an exceedingly fine body of men ; 
inured to fatigue, with a style of discipline among them much superior to what I 
have been used to see this campaign. He, himself, is active, intelligent and enter- 
prising." 




88 LIFE OF BEXEDICT AEXOLD. 

such a handful of men that the stoiy when told hereafter 
will scarcely be believed." ^ 

Washington, writing to Congress, says: "It (the block- 
ade) exhibits fresh proofs of Arnold's ability and persever- 
ance in the midst of difficulties." ^ 

On the first of April, Wooster arrived from Montreal 
with reinforcements, and assumed the command. The day 
ifter, Arnold, only partially recovered from his wound, re- 
ceived a serious injury while visiting the outposts, by the 
fall of his horse. "When somewhat recovered, being in 
favor of more active measures than General Wooster 
adopted, and impatient of inaction, he asked and obtained 
leave to report at Montreal, where, upon his arrival, he 
took command. In a letter to General Schuyler, dated 
April 20th, he explains his reasons for going to Montreal, 
and adds, " had I been able to take any active part, I should 
by no means have left camp, but as General Wooster did 
not think proper to consult me, I am convinced I sliall be 
more useful here than in camp, and he very readily granted 
me leave of absence." ^ With the departure of Arnold 
from the camp, all vigorous efforts in the field to capture 
Quebec and unite the Canadas with the United Colonies 
terminated. Had the efforts of Washington, Schuyler, 
Montgomery, and Arnold beeu successful — had the Can- 
adas joined the American Union — what changes in history 
would have ensued! Possibly the power of the free States 
thus strengthened might have prevented the extension of 
slavery, and slavery itself might possibly liave been abol- 
ished without the great civil war. 

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol, IV, p. 999 ; ditto, p. M93. 

2. Sparks" Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 270. 

'.J. " Arnold was discontented at not being permitted to continue his authority at 
a season when he might have .'Struck a daring and effectual blow."— Introduction to 
Journal of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, p. 15. 



CHAPTER y. 

RETREAT FROM CANADA. 

" I am content to be the last man ^vllo quits this country, and fall so that my coun- 
try may rise.''— Anuld to Sullivan. 

The Af fair at the Cedars— Visit of Franklin, Chase and Carroll to 
Arnold's Quarters— The Seizure of Goods in Montreal— Trial of Colonel 
IIazkn by Court-Martial— Controversy Between Arnold and the Court 
— Chargfs Against Arnold by Lieut. Col. John Brown— Action thereon by 
WoosTER, Schuyler and Gates— Charges Declared by Congress to be Cruel 
AND Groundless— Arnold's Ketreat from Canada. 

JoHX Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States, in liis 

life of AVasliington, speaking of the expedition against 

Quebec, and summing up the case with judicial calmness 

and accuracy, says: 

" It was a bold, and at one time promised to be a successful, effort to 
annex this extensive province to the United Colonies. The disposition 
of the Canadians favored the mensure, and had Quebec fallen, there is 
reason to believe the colony would have entered cordially into the Union. 
Had Arnold been able to reach Quebec a few days sooner, or to cross the 
St. Lawrence on his first arrival, or had the gallant Montgomery not 
fallen in the assault on the thirty first of December, it is probable the 
the expedition would have been crov/ned with complete success. But the 
radical causes of the failure were the lateness of the season when the 
trocps were assembled, a deficit in the preparation, and still more, the 
shortness of the term for which the men were enlisted." ^ 

The means placed at the command of the officers never 
approached the estimates which they made as adequate to 
accomplish the result. Arnold, in one of liis letters, says : 

1. Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. T, p. GG. 

(89) 



90 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

" We labor under almost as many difficnlties as tlie Israel- 
ites did of old — obliged to make brick without straw." Yet 
he was the last to abandon the hope of success. 

In April, 1776, the commissioners appointed by Congress 
to visit Canada, consisting of Benjamin Franklin, Samuel 
Chase, and Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, arri\-ed at the 
camp of General Arnold, at Montreal. The Eev. John 
Carroll, brother of Charles, and the first Homan Catholic 
Arch-Bishop of the United States, accompanied the party, 
with the hope of enlisting the Koman Catholic clergy in 
Canada on the side of the United Colonies.' Carroll, in 
his Journal, says : "We were received by General Arnold 
in the most polite and friendly manner, conducted to head- 
quarters, where a genteel company of ladies and gentlemen 
had assembled to welcome our arrival." A salute by the 
cannon of the citadel was fired. "We supped at the Gen- 
eral's." ' 

Benjamin Franklin, then seventy years of age, honored 
and venerated as a sage and patriot on both sides of the 
Atlantic, Chase, and Carroll, of Carrolton, at supper, the 
guests of Benedict Arnold, grace being said by him who 
was the first Koman Catholic Arch-Bishop of the United 
States, would constitute a group for the artist. Modern 
reporting had not then been invented, otherwise we might 
have had the discussion of the Canadian campaign by these 
distinguished men. 

In the Spring of 1776, a party of about four hundred 
Americans, led by Colonel Bedell, under the orders of 
Arnold, were holding a fortified position on the north bank 
of the St. Lawrence, some thirty-six miles above Montreal, 
on a point called " The Cedars." In May, Captain Foster, 
of the British army, came down the river from a place near 

1. Journal of Charles Carroll, p. 30, Note. 

2. Jourual of Charles Carroll, p. 92, Maryland His. Society Centennial Memorial. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 91 

wliere Ogdensbiirgli now is, witli about one hundred and 
fifty English and Canadians and fivx hundred Indians, under 
the celebrated Brant. 

On hearing of their approach, not waiting for their 
arrival, Colonel Bedell fled to Montreal to obtain, as he 
said, reinforcements/ He left the post under the com- 
mand of Major Butterfield, who, without making any 
efficient defense, was frightened by the threats of Indian 
barbarities to surrender. Both Butterfield and Bedell were 
afterwards tried by court-martial and cashiered for their 
conduct in this afiair.^ Arnold, as soon as he heard of the 
approach of the enemy, sent Major Sherburne, with one 
hundred and forty men, to strengthen the post, and pre- 
pared to follow himself. Major Butterfield, making no 
vigorous defense, surrendered the post the very day Sher- 
burne would have arrived. 

As the latter approached the Cedars, ignorant of the dis- 
graceful surrender, he was caught in an ambuscade set for 
him by the Indians, and although surprised, he and his men 
fought gallantly until they were entirely surrounded and 
overpowered b}' numbers. Fifty-two were killed, many after 
they had ceased to resist. Arnold, indignant at Butter- 
field's surrender, and at the cruelties and barbarities perpe- 
trated upon the soldiers, and on the way to their relief, has- 
tened rapidly towards the scene of action to revenge the 
dead and re-take the post. Reaching St.Anne, at the west- 
ern end of the island of Montreal, in advance of his boats, he 
was in time to see the savages conveying their prisoners 
from an island, almost three miles distant, to the main land. 
But his boats, not having yet arrived, he w^as without the 
means of instant pursuit. Dispatching messengers to hurry 
up the boats, he sent a friendly chief of the Caughnawaga 

1. See Letters of Messrs. Chase and Carroll, Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. VI, p. 588. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 747. 



92 LIFE OF BENEDICT ABNOLD. 

tribe to the hostile party, demanding the surrender of the 
prisoners, and decharing if the Indians injured them, he 
would destroy their villages, and pursue and put to the sword 
any one who fell into his hands. While he was waiting for 
his boats to come up, the Indian chief returned, bringing 
the reply: that they would not give up their prisoners, and 
that if Arnold attempted to follow and attack the British 
and Indians, the Indians would immediately put the pris- 
oners to death. 

Without a moments' delay, Arnold sprang into the boats 
which were now arriving, and proceeded as rapidly as pos- 
sible to the island where the captives had been confined. 
All had been removed except -B^ve, and these had been robbed 
of their clothing, and were left nearly nalied, and starving. 
The others, except two who were too feeble to endure the 
journey, had been taken to Quince CJiienze^ the two sick 
ones had been cruelly murdered. Arnold pushed directly 
for the enemy as rapidly as possible. As night approached, 
his flotilla of boats neared the place where the enemy were 
encamped, entrenched and fortified, and he was fired upon 
from the shore. As it was now dark, and the position of 
the ene^iiy not known, he retired to St. Anne to wait for 
daylight; a council was held, and it was determined to at- 
tack in the morninoj as soon as it was light enou2:h to see. 
At two o'clock at nio-ht a flas; came from the British com- 
mander, bringing a cartel signed by Major Sherburne, pro- 
posing that as many British soldiers should be delivered up 
as there were American prisoners; but tliat the Americans 
should as soon as exchanged return to their homes, and 
never again bear arms against the British; hostages of 
American officers were to be sent to Quebec, and held 
until the agreement was fully executed; and Arnold was 
distinctly told that if he refused to ratify this agreement, 
the savages would put all the prisoners to death, and Captain 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 03 

Foster declared his inability to prevent the execution of this 
terrible threat. It was a fearful dilemma. Arnold was ex- 
tremely av^erse from enterino- into this agreement, and he had 
a force adequate to punish the barbarities already perpetrated ; 
but he could not permit tlie prisoners to be sacrificed, and 
he finally, to save their lives, signed the agreement, after it 
had been so modified that the exchange of prisoners should 
be on equal terms. "I dispatched Lieutenant Parker," 
says Arnold, " to acquaint Captain Foster that I would 
enter into articles to exchange prisoners on equal terms — 
which if he refused, my determination was to attack him 
immediately; and if our prisoners were murdered, to sac- 
rifice every soul which, fell into our hands." ^ Arnold says, 
in his letter to the committee of Congress: "Words can- 
not express my feelings, '^ * tjrn by conflicting passions 
of revenge and humanity; a sufiicient force to take ample 
revenge, raging for action, urged me on, on one hand ; and 
humanity for five hundred unhappy wretches, w^ho w^ere on 
the point of being sacrificed if our vengeance was not 
delayed, plead strongly on the other." "^ 

Foster yielded to the modification, and sent the agree- 
ment back signed; but Conm-ess, refi;ardin2: an ao-reement 
thus extorted by a threat of murdering prisoners of war as 
not binding, refused to sanction it; while "Washington was 
inclined, though reluctantly, to execute it, because it had 
been entered into in due form. It was the subject of some 
correspondence between Washington and the British officers, 
but the latter finally dropt the subject. Arnold returned to 
Montreal, and it soon became quite clear that the forces of 
the colonies would soon be compelled to retire from Canada. 
The letters of the commissioners who had been sent by con- 
gress to that province, give a graphic picture of the condi- 
tion of the army. Short enlistments, want of suj)plies, 

1. Am, Archives, -Ith S., Vol. VI, pp. 595-G. 

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 59G. 



94 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

unciuTent paper money, and the terrible ravages of disease, 
especially of small pox, liad finally broken the spirit of 
the brave men who had fought so desperately at Quebec. 

The commissioners sav: 

1/ 

"The army is in a distressed condition, and is in want of the most 
necessary articles — meat, bread, tents, shoes, stockings, shirts, etc. 
They say they were oblig-ed to seize by force flour to supply the garrison 
with bread. But men with arms in their hands, will not starve when 
provisions can be obtained by force.* Soldiers without pay, without dis- 
cipline, living from hand to mouth, grumbling for their pay; and when 
they get it, it will not buy the necessaries of life. Your military chest 
contains eleven thousand paper dollars, and you are indebted to your 
soldiers treble that sum, and to the inhabitants about fifteen thou- 
sand." 

Meanwhile, England had been sending troops from Ire- 
land, England and Germany, amounting to some thirteen 
thousand men; gathering strength with the purpose not 
only to drive the Americans out of Canada, but to follow 
by a powerful invasion of New York. The x\merican 
troops under Thomas, who had succeeded Wooster in com- 
mand, were driven from near Quebec, and pursued up the 
St. Lawrence to the Sorel, where Sullivan succeeded to the 
command. 

On the thirteenth of June, Arnold wrote to General Sul- 
livan, saying: 

"The junction of the Canadas with the colonies is now at an end. 
Let us quit them and secure our own country before it is too late. There 
will be more honor in making a safe retreat than in hazarding a battle 
against such superiority; and which will be attended with the loss of men, 
artillery, etc., and the only pass to our country. * * * These argu- 
ments are not urged by fear for my personal safety; I am content to be the 
last man who quits this country, and fall, so that my country may rise. 
But let us not fall altogether." ^ 

Sullivan retreated, Arnold still holding on to Montreal, 
that being the last place given up, and then he made a mas- 

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, pp. 588-300, 

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 1104. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASOX. 95 

terly retreat to St. Johns. After seeing all the raen'-'eni- 
bark, and the hast boat leave the shore, he, with a single at- 
tendant, mounted his horse and rode back to reconnoitre\ 
tlic British army, advancing nnder Burgoyne. Coming in \ 
sight of tlie advancing columns, he satisfied himself of their 
numbers and character, then lie wheeled his horse just in 
time to escape, and galloping rapidly back to the shore of 
the lake, stripping his horse of saddle and bridle, the ani- 
mal was shot to prevent his falling into the hands of the 
enemy. With his own hands he pushed his boat from the 
shore, and leaping into it he was the last man to leave 
Canada. Darkness was now approaching, and it is not dif- 
ficult to imagine the sad review of the incidents of the cam- 
paign which must have crowded his memory, as his boat 
was urged on in pursuit of his retreating soldiers. He 
overtook them during the night at Isle-aux-Koix. 

General Sullivan, writing to Washington June 19th, says: 
" General Arnold pulled up the bridges on the road from 
Montreal, from which place he made a very prudent and 
judicious retreat with the enemy close at his heels." ^ He 
hastened on and proceeded to confer with General Schuyler, 
with wdiom all through the campaign he had kept up a con- 
stant and most friendly correspondence. Schuyler had been 
familiar with all his difficulties, and that officer's sympathy 
with his dangers had been often and most kindly expressed. 
Here he also met General Gates, with whom he then had 
the most friendly relations, as appears from the following, 
as well as many other letters which passed between them: 

"Chamblay, May 31st, 1776. 
" My dear General: I am a thousand times obliged to you for your 
kind letter of the od of April, of which I have a most grateful sense. I 
shall be ever happy in your friendship and society; and hope, with you, 
that our next winter- quarters will be more agreeable, though I must 
doubt it, if affairs go as ill with you as here. Neglected by Congress 

1. Am. Archives, 4Ui S., Vol. VI, p. 1104. 



9G LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD. 

below; pinched with every want here; distressed with the small-pox; 
want of Generals and discipline in our Army — which may rather be called 
a great rabble— our late unhappy retreat from Quebeck, and loss of the 
Cedars; our credit and reputation lost, and great part of the country; 
and a powerful foreign enemy advancing upon us; are so many difficul- 
ties we cannot surmount them. My whole thoughts are now bent on 
making a safe retreat out of this country; however, I hope we shall not 
be obliged to leave it until we have had one bout more for the honour of 
America. I think we can make a stand at Isle-aux-Koix, and keep the 
Lake this summer from an invasion that way. We have little to fear; 
but I am heartily chagrined to think we have lost in one month all the 
immortal Montgomery was a whole campaign in gaining, together with 
our credit, and many men and an amazing sum of money. The commis- 
sioners this day leave us, as our good fortune has long since; but as Miss, 
like most other Misses, is fickle, and often changes, I still hope for her 
favors again; and that we shall have the pleasure of dying or living 
happy together. 

In every vicissitude of fortune, believe miO, with great esteem and 
friendship, my dear General, your obedient and humble servant, 

" Benedict Arnold. 

"To General Gates. 

"P. S. For particulars respecting us I beg leave to refer you to the 

honourable Commissioners. 

"B. A."i 

General Gates Lad lately been sent by Congress to take 
command of tlie army in JSTortliern ISTew York, and Scbu3der, 
Gates and Arnold now proceeded to Crown Point, to wbicli 
place Sullivan liad retreated. On consultation it was de- 
cided to abandon Crown Point and retreat to Ticonderoga, 
an act wbicli was at first severely condemned, but in tbe 
end approved by all. 

While here Arnold was involved in difficulties, o-rowinfi" 
out of the seizure of certain goods from the mercliants of 
Montreal, for tlie use of the army, which have been made 
the basis of attacks npon his integrity. The facts are hei-e 
'•\ \et forth at some length, so that a just conclusion may be 
arrived at in regard to the charges growing out of the trans- 
action. 

1. Am. Archive-s 4tli S., Vol. VI, p. G19. 




HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TBEASOX. 97 

The condition of affairs at the time these goods were tak- 
en appears from a letter written by Arnold to the Commit- 
tee of Congress, dated June second, in which he says : ''I 
am making every possible preparation to secure our retreat. 
I have secured six tons of lead, ball, shot and merchandize. 
The inhabitants I have not as yet taken hold of; I intend 
to begin to-morrow. Everything is in the greatest confu- 
sion. [N'ot one contractor, commissary or quarter-master. I 
am obliged to do the dut}^ of all." * 

It is not surprising that confusion and irregularity should 
exist. On the sixth of June he writes to Schuyler: "I 
have received your instructions respecting the tories and 
their effects: most of the former had absconded — great part 
of the latter is secured. I have sent to St. Johns a quanti- 
ty of goods for use of the army, some bouglit, some seized."' 

The goods w^ere seized in accordance with orders for the 
use of the army; their seizure is referred to in the above 
letter, and the circumstances attending such seizure were 
fully and promptly reported by Arnold to Generals Schuy- 
ler and Sullivan. They were sent to Chamblay under the 
care of Major Scott, who, on his arrival there, was ordered to 
repair to Sorel, the guard had been ordered to return, and the 
goods were to be delivered to Colonel Hazen to be stored. 
Hazen refused to receive or care for them, and in conse- 
quence the boxes in which they were stored were broken 
open, and the goods plundered. What were left were sent 
to St. Johns, and delivered to one McCarthy, who received 
what was left of them, by orders of General Sullivan. 
Arnold's own account of the transaction is given in his re- 
ports to Generals Schuyler and Sullivan.^ 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S„ Vol. I, p. 165. 

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 925. 

3. "St. JoHNi?. June 13th, 1776. 

" Dear General:— I wrote you a few days since from Montreal that I had seized 
a parcel of goods for the use of the army by particular orders from the Commis- 

7 



98 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Charges were made by General Arnold against Colonel 
Ilazen for his refusal to receive and take care of these 
goods. A court- martial was ordered for his trial. The 

sioners of Congress. Our hurry and confusion was so great when the goods were 
received, it was impossible to take a particular account of them ; every man's 
name was marked on his particular package, with intention to take particular 
account of them at Chambly or St. Johns, where the goods were ordered to be stored. 
Major Scot' was sent with them, with orders to have them stored under the care of 
Colonel Hazen, who commanded at Chambly. On his arrival there he received 
orders from General SulLvaji to repair to Sorel. Col. Hazen refused taking the goods 
into store, or taking charge of them. They were heaped in piles on the bank of 
the river.. Colonei Hazen finally received them, and placed sentinels over them. 
They were, however, neglected in such a manner that great part were stolen or 
plundered. On receiving this intelligence, I repaired t > Chambly. The goods were 
senttoS^. Johns by Col. Hazen, in different parcels, allunder the care of a French 
corporal; and through them I found the goods broken open, plunde:ed and mixed 
together in the greatest confusion, and great part missing. Mr. McCarthy has Gen- 
eral Sullivan's orders, and is now receiving the goods. I have sent over to Ticcn- 
deroga a quantity of nails and goods, the property of Thomas Walker, Esq.. and 
ordered them to be stored there, and delivered to his order." — Am. Archives, ith S., 
Vol. VI, p. 10^8. 

See also report to Gen. Sullivan, as follows : 

'< * * The junction of the Canadians with the Colonies— an object which brought 
us into this country — is now at an end. Let us quit them, and secure our own 
co\intry be lore it is too late. 

"Ihere will be more honor in making asafe retreat than hazarding a battle against 
.such superiority, which will doubtless be attended with the loss of men, artillery, 
etc., and the only pass to our country. 

'• These arguments are not urged by fear for my personal safety; I am content to 
be the last man who quits this country, and fall, so that my country rise. But let 
us not all fall altogether. 

" The goods I seized in Montreal & sent to Chambly, under care of Major Sco't, 
have been broken open, plundered and huddled together in the greatest confusion. 
They were taken in such a hurry it was impossible to take particular account of 
them. Each man's name was marked on his packages. 

" When Major Scott arrived at Chambly he received your positive orders to repair 
to Sorel; the guard was ordered to return, and the goods to Le delivered to Colonel 
Hazen to be stored. He refused receiving or taking any care of them ; by which 
means, and Major ScotCs being ordered away, the goods have been opened and 
plundered, I believe, to a large amount. It is impossible for me to distinguish 
each man's goods, or even settle with the proprietors. The goods are delivered to 
Mr. Mc( arthy. This is net the first or last order Colonel Hazen has disobeyed. I 
think him a man of too much conseq\ience for the post he is in. I have given him 
orders to send directly to St. Johns all the heavy cannon, shot, jowder and bat- 
teaux, valuable stores, and the sick. 

" I go to Montreal immediately; and beg to have your orders as soon as possible for 
]ny future conduct. 

"I am, with respect and esteem, dear General, yourmost obedient, humble servant, 

"B. Arnold" 
—.4m. Archives, Uh S., Vo!. VI, p. 1105. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 99 

important arid only witness beside himself to sustain the 
charges was Major Scott, who was offered by General Ar- 
nold, and the court refused to receive his testimony. This 
decision was palpably erroneous, and Arnold was naturally 
indignant, and thereupon filed his protest, saying: "As the 
court have refused accepting my principal evidence, Major 
Scott, * "^ ■ I do solemnly protest against their proceed- 
ings and refusal as unprecedented, and I think unjust." ^ 

Thereupon the court made an entry on their records in 
these words : 

"General Arnold having offered a protest to the court, for the entry of 
it, m their minutes, which appears to tiiem illegal, illiberal and ungen- 
tlemanlike ; for these reasons they have objected to its entry and refuse 
the same." The court likewise directed the President to demand satis- 
faction of the General, which he did in the following words: 
"Sir: 

"As you have evidently called in question not only the honor, but the 
justice of this court, by the illiberal protest you exhibited, the court 
have directed me — and as President of this court I deem it my duty — to 
inform you that you have dra\vn upon yourself their just resentment, and 
that nothing but an open acknowledgment of j'our error will be consid- 
ered as satisfactory." ^ 

To which Arnold haughtily replied: "The very extraordinary vote of 
the court, and directions given to the President, and his still more pxtra- 
ordinary demand, are in my opinion ungenteel and indecent reflections 
on a superior officer; which the nature and words of my protest will by 
no means justifj"; nor was it designed as you have construed it. I am 
not very conversant with courts-martial, but this I may venture to say: 
they are composed of men not infallible; even you may have erred. Con- 
gress will judge between us; to whom I will desire the General to trans- 
mit the proceeding:^ of this court. This 1 can assure you, I shall ever in 
public or private, be ready to support the character of a man of honor; 
and as your very nice and delicate honor in your apprehension is injured, 
you may depend as soon as this disagreeable service is at end (which God 
grant may soon be the case,) I will by no means withhold from any gen- 
tleman of the court, the satisfaction his nice sense of honor may require. 
Your demand I shall not comply with." ^ 

1. Am. Archives, 5tli S., Vol. I, p. 1272. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1273. 

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1273. 



100 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

The court sent a letter to General Gates, giving tlieir 
reasons for refusing to hear the evidence of Major Scott, 
every one of whicli went to affect his credibility and not 
his competency as a witness. The case is this : — Charges 
were presented by General Arnold against Colonel Plazen, 
and the General offered as the principal witness to sustain 
the charges, Major Scott ; the court refused to hear the ev- 
idence; Arnold protests, and says he thinks the refusal " un- 
precedented and unjust." 

This language can hardly be considered as disrespectful, 
or going beyond an earnest protest: certainly the conrt go 
much farther when they declare the ]3rotest of their supe- 
rior officer, "illegal, illiberal and ungcntlemanlike"; but 
when the court goes farther still, and directs its president 
"to demand satisfaction," and dictate an "open acknowl- 
edgement of error," as the only satisfaction the court will 
accept, they certainly exhibit a strange spectacle of judi- 
cial dignity. The answer of Arnold, except the last part, 
is dignified and certainly not uncourteous. He disclaims 
the construction they put upon the words of his protest — 
reminds them that courts are composed of men who are 
not infallible, and then says: " Congress, to whom the pro- 
ceedings will be transmitted, will judge between us." Had 
he stopped there no exception could have been taken to his 
reply; but the extraordinary resolution, that the President 
"should demand satisfaction of the General," were words to 
which Arnold was ever too ready to respond : and his response 
that when the service was over he would by no means with- 
hold any "satisfaction any gentleman of the court might re- 
q^uire," was undignified and unworthy of his position. 

The court sent the papers to General Gates, demanding 
the arrest of Arnold. Thereupon Gates issued an order 
dissolving the court, and transmitted all the papers to Con- 
gress, with the following comment: 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 101 

"The warmth of General Arnold's temper miglit possi- 
bly lead him a little farther than is marked by the precise 
line of decorum to be observed before and towards a court- 
martial. Seeing and knowing all the circumstances, I am 
convinced, if there was fault on one side, there was too 
much acrimony on the other. I was obliged to act dictato- 
riallj, and dissolve the court-martial the instant they de- 
manded General Arnold to be put under arrest. The 
United States must not be deprived of that excellent offi- 
cer's services at this important moment."^ There is no evi- 
dence in the case reflecting upon the integrity of General 
Arnold. Mr. Sparks, perhaps the most accurate of Amer- 
ican annalists, and one who tries to do justice to Arnold, 
but whose just prejudice against him for his treason ren- 
dered it difficult, and sometimes impossible, says the " let- 
ters of Arnold alone sufficiently prove that he was not prac- 
ticing any secret manoeuvre in the removal of the goods, or 
for retaining: them in his Dossession." ^ 

It will be observed that General Arnold reports that the 
goods were seized by order of the commissioners. In this 
connection, I quote a paragraph from a letter from him to 
Chase, one of the commissioners, dated the 15th of May, 
in which he says," I believe I know your sentiments in re- 
gard to provisions, and I shall not let the army suffisr." 
* -^ -x- * Most of our men returned from below naked. 
Will it not, be advisable to seise on all such goods in Mon- 
treal as we are in absolute necessity for, and pay them the 
value? This I submit to your better judgment." * 

Carroll, of Carroll ton, was one of the commissioners, by 
whose orders Arnold alleges the goods were seized. He 
was one of the Board of War, which investigated these 
charges, as hereafter particularly detailed. 

1. Am. Archives. 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1268. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, 69. 

:5. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 581. 
4. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 581. 



102 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD, 

If the allegation of General Arnold, that the goods were 
seized by order of the commissioners was untrue, Carroll 
must have known it. When, therefore, he who had been 
in Canada and knew all the facts, reports that these charges 
were " cruel and groundless," I think we may safely concur 
in his conclusion/ 

This affair created a prejudice in the minds of some 
members of Congress, and probably contributed to bring 
about the acts of injustice towards Arnold, which will be 
hereafter detailed. 

It was also the misfortune or the fault of Arnold, that 
he had a difficulty with Lieutenant-Colonel John Brown. 
Their difference seems to have originated at the capture of 
Ticonderoga, in 1775, when Brown was a subordinate of 
Colonel Easton, and opposed Arnold in his claims to com- 
mand. Brown went to Quebec with the troops under 
Monto-omerv, and after the death of that officer, Arnold 
wrote a letter to Congress, charging Brown with having 
been "publicly impeached with plundering the officers' 
bao-(rao^e taken at Sorel," ^ ^ "^ and addino- " I think 
it my duty to say the above charge is the topic of public 
conversation at Montreal," and he protested against Brown's 
promotion until these matters were cleared up; and with 
his usual frankness, he adds: " The contents of the enclosed 
letter I do not wish kept from the gentleman mentioned 
therein; the public interest is my chief motive in writing. 
I should despise myself were I capable of asserting a thing 
to the prejudice of a gentleman without sufficient reasons 
to make it public." ^ Brown declared, in a letter dated June 
26, 1776, addressed to Congress, that the charge was false, 
scandalous and malicious, and on first hearing of the charge 
at Quebec, he " challenged General Arnold to prove it," 
and demanded a court of inquiry, which was refused.^ 

1. Journal of Congress, Vol. III. p. 193. 

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. I. pp. 12-20. 

3. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. I, pp. 12-20. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 103 

He also alleges that on the arrival of General Wooster 
at Qnebec, he again demanded a court of inquiry, *■' who 
likewise refused." He made the same demand "of the 
committee sent to Canada from Congress, wdio refused." 
He made, he says, tlie same demand of General Scliuyler, 
at Fort George, "but the General thought it inexpedient." ^ 
One can scarcely help concluding that the action taken by 
Generals Wooster and Schuyler, and the committee of Con- 
gress, who were on the ground, must have been just; and 
that there were circumstances existing why Lieutenant 
Colonel Brow^n's demand should not be granted. Schuyler 
was eminently a just man, and Wooster was not particu- 
larly friendly to Arnold, and the committee of Congress, 
consisting of Franklin, Chase and Carroll, would unques- 
tionably have interfered to correct a wrong, if satisfied of 
its existence. 

On the first of December, 1776, Colonel Brown sent a 
paper to General Gates, presenting thirteen charges against 
General Arnold, expressed in very intemperate language, 
and asking that he be ordered " in arrest for the ioUowing 
crimes;"^ and then enumerated thirteen specifications of 
offenses, running back to the aff"air at Ticonderoga, in 1775, 
and following him to Cambridge, Quebec, and through 
Canada. The language is violent, and discloses " a warmth 
which," in the words of Mr. Sparks, '" indicates too great a 
degree of excited feeling." ' 

Gates treated Brown with coolness, and in reply to re- 
peated applications, w^hich he characterized as "importu- 
nate," he at length said ; " I shall lay your paper before 
Congress, who will, w^hen they think proper, give such or- 
ders as they think necessary thereupon." 

Schuyler, writing to Gates, says : " If courts-martial 

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. I. p, 1220. 

•2. See paper in full. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1159. 

3. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 71. 



104 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

would severely punish officers for illiberal abuse of their 
superior officers, such violent and ill-founded complaints as 
you mention to be made by Lieutenant Colonel Brown 
ao^ainst General Arnold, would soon cease. The latter gen- 
tleman will always be the subject of complaint, because liis 
impartiality and candor will not suffer him to see impro- 
priety of behavior with impunity." * 

The reply of Arnold and the action of Congress will be 
more fully set forth hereafter. Suffice it to say now, that 
the papers were referred to the Board of War, who report- 
ed that they were entirely satisfied as to the character and 
conduct of General Arnold, which, in the language of the 
Board, had been " so cruelly and groundlessly aspersed." 
The report was confirmed by Congress.^ 

The difficulties and embarrassments of the officers of the 
army in the expedition to Canada, and other military move- 
ments, many of them growing out of violent passions and 
discordant interests, induced John Adams to say, " It re- 
quires more serenity of temper, a dee23er understanding, 
and more courage than fell to the lot of Marlborough to 
ride in this whirlwind."^ 

If Arnold was sometimes unjust, if he did not at all 

times maintain, amidst all these trials and vexations, the 

•' serenity of temper " which Adams speaks of, it would 

have been generously excused and forgiven and long ago 

J^brgotten, but for his subsequent treason. 

Col. Brown met an honorable death in the service of his 
country. Had such been the fate of Arnold, the contro- 
versy between these officers would never have been recalled. 
It is now difficult, if not impossible, to determine the exact 
merits of the quarrel. But for Arnold's treason, the action 
of Wooster, the judgment of Schuyler and Gates, and the 
action of Congress, would have been accepted. 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 250. 

2. Spark's Life of Arnold, page 94. See, also, Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 199. 

3. Am. Archives. 4th S., Vol. V, p. 1112. 



CHAPTEE VI. 

NAVAL BATTLE OF VALCOUR ISLAND. 

"The conduct of Arnold in these naval affairs gained him new laurels. He was 
extolled for the judgment with which he chose his position, and brought his ves- 
sels into action; for his masterly retreat; for the se!/ sacrificing character with 
which he exposed h.mself to the overwhelming force of the enemy in covering 
the retreat of part of his ^otilla,."— Washington Lving. 

Tttp Tty^iTTCjH, gffigATI Y STTFTTTnTT W NFMBrPI JJGP^T^ GUNS, ATTACK THK AmEEICAN 

Fleet TOD3SB.AE>lQkD pNjLAKE.CjH^^ Fight Continues from Noon 

^^v^iiL Night, when the Beitish Retire— The Americans Escape through the 
British Line— Are Overtaken, and Arnold, in the Congress, Fights and 
Retards the Enemy until his other Vessels Escape— He runs the Congress 
Ashore, Burns her, and with his Men, Reaches Ticonderoga. 

Lake Champlain, named after one of the early French 
explorers, was very early known in English and French colo- 
nial history. It is a narrow sheet of blue water, lying 
between Yermont and New York, and in many parts pre- 
senting a landscape of exceeding beauty. From it may be 
seen, in the distance, the varied outlines of the Green Moun- 
tains on the east, and the Adirondacks on the west. Tliis 
lake, with its still more beautiful adjunct, Lake George, the 
"Horicon" of the" graphic pen of Cooper; the St. Sacra- 
mento of the French; and connected by water communica- 
tion with the St. Lawrence, formed the natural route and 
easy highway from Canada to the interior of New York. 

As the Americans were compelled to retreat from Cana- 

(105) 



106 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

da, as stated in the preceding chapter, the British close- 
ly followed, occupying St. Johns. Sir Guy Carleton early 
saw the importance of obtaining naval supremacy on these 
waters, that he might bring the English troops to Ticonde- 
roga, within convenient distance of Albany, looking to a 
junction ultimately with the King's force from the city of 
l^ew York, and thereby separating and isolating New Eng- 
land from the other states. These Lakes and their connec- 
tions formed the most practical route by which the United 
States could be invaded from Canada; and both parties, in 
the summer of 1776, prepared vigorously to contest their 
control. 

Carleton, the British leader, had many advantages over 
Gates and Arnold in the race of preparation. First, and 
of immense importance, he could draw upon the rich treas- 
ury of Great Britain. He had contractors and ship-build- 
ers from England, and naval stores in abundance from the 
fleet in the St. Lawrence and from Quebec. The English 
admiralty contributed liberally in material for ship-building, 
and in naval equipments. It sent out three vessels of war 
fully prepared for service; more than two hundred flat- 
bottomed boats were built at Montreal and taken to St. 
Johns ; and the larger vessels, unable to ascend the rapids, 
were taken to pieces and reconstructed at the last mentioned 
place. One of these, the Inflexible, was a three masted 
ship, carrying twenty tw^elve-pound guns, and ten smaller 
guns. About seven hundred experienced sailors and the 
very best of young naval officers, were selected from the 
vessels of war and transports to man and command the 
lake fleet. 

The Americans had to cut from the forest every stick of 
timber for the additions to their small fleet. All their 
naval stores and material had to be brought from tide 
water and the Atlantic, over roads nearly impassable. They 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 107 

lacked money, skilled ship-builders, naval stores — every- 
thing; still they were zealous, active, hopeful, and energetic. 
General Arnold, having some knowledge of ships, ship- 
building and navigation, was selected to superintend the 
construction of the fleet, and to command it when ready for 
service. 

On the twenty-ninth of July, Gates wrote to the Presi- 
dent of Consrress, savino; : 

"General Arnold (who is perfectly skilled in naval affairs,) has most 
nobly undertaken to command our fleet on the lake. With infinite satis- 
faction I have committed the whole of that department to his care, con- 
vinced that he will thereby add to the brilliant reputation he has so de- 
servedly acquired.^ * * * General Arnold, ever active and anxious 
to serve his country, is just returned from Skenesborough, where he has 
been to give life and spirit to our dock-yard." 

General Schuyler, writing to Gates, August third, says: 
" I am extremely happy that General Arnold has under- 
taken to command the fleet. It has relieved me from very 
great anxiety, under which I labored on that account." ^ 
Washington, looking anxiously to the naval control of 
Lake Charaplain, on the fourteenth of August, and before 
he had learned that Arnold had been assigned to this duty, 
whites to Gates: "I trust neither courage nor activity will 
be wanting in those to whom the business (the command 
of the fleet) is committed. If assigned to General Arnold, 
none will doubt of his exertions."^ Gates, writing to 
Washington, July 29tli, says: "Our little fleet already 
built is equipping under the direction of General Arnold, 
with all the industry which his activity and good example 
can inspire." * 

It thus appears that such w^as Washington's appre- 
ciation of Arnold's qualities, ignorant that he had been 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 649. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 474. 

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 952. 

4. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. 4, p. 12. 



108 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKJ^OLD. 

already aj)pointed to this service, he suggests it to Gates, 
and that both Schuyler and Gates felt "infinite satisfac- 
tion" and relief from "very great anxiety" when he under- 
took the command. These distinguished officers did not 
overrate his zeal, activity and energy. He did, indeed, 
give "life and activity to the dock-yards," and to every 
branch of the business of preparation. 

He was constantly going to and fro, nrging on the work, 
making requisition for mechanics, for seamen, for naval 
stores, for ordnance, for everything necessary to bnild, 
equip, arm and man his little fleet. But no degree of 
energy and activit}^ could enable him to equal the arma- 
ment which Sir Guy Carleton could bring from the St. 
Lawrence to the theatre ot conflict. The resources of a 
mighty empire with untold wealth; the naval stores of the 
the then acknowledged " mistress of the seas," was behind 
Carleton, and her rulers had the ability and disposition to 
supply his every want. On the other hand, the feeble 
Colonies, with their depreciated " continental " paper money, 
with comparatively few seamen; all naval stores and needed 
supplies and material difficult to obtain on the sea coast, 
and when obtained, to be transported far inland — these 
were difficulties which no enero-y could overcome. On the 
18th of September, Arnold, writing to Gates, says: 

" I beg at least one hundred good seamen as soon as possible; we have a 
wretched motley crew in the fleet. The marines, the refuse of every 
regiment, and the sailors, few of them ever wet with salt water — we are 
upwards of one hundred men short. "^ 

On the 1st of October, Arnold, writing to Gates, com- 
plains that the seamen have not been sent, and hopes he 
shall be excused, " if with five hundred men, half naked," 
he should not be able to beat the enemy in their overwhelm- 
ing numbers and complete preparation. He sends for shot, 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 481. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 109 

mnsket balls, bncksliot, grenades, clotlung, and " one liun, 
dred seamen, no land-lubbers." ^ 

Gates replies on the third, and sends what he can, btit 
says : " What is not to be had, you and the princes of the 
earth must go unprovided with." ^ 

Gates, writing to Schuyler, speaking of the want of sup- 
plies and the difficulty of obtaining tliem, says : " Succeed 
or fail, we have done our best." ' Arnold, on the seventh 
of October, complaining that those in authority on the At- 
lantic had failed to send much needed supplies, says : ''Is 
it possible my countrymen can be callous to their wrongs, 
or hesitate one moment between slavery or death? "^ * 
That Being in whose hands are all human events, will 
doubtless turn the scale in fiivor of the just and oppressed." * 

Gates gave to Arnold careful instructions, and among 
other directions, said: " Should the enemy come up the lake 
and attempt to force their way through the pass you are 
stationed to defend, in that case you will act with such 
cool, determined valor as will give them reason to repent of 
their temerity." * 

Arnold kept Gates, who was at Ticonderoga, constantly 
advised of his position and movements. On the 21st of 
September, he announced his intention to go to Yalcour 
Island, and sa3^s, " if you do not approve, will return." " 

On the 28th, he writes to Gates from " Isle Yalcour," 
giving a detailed statement of the position of the fleef 

On the 12th of October, Gates says to Arnold: "I am 
pleased to find you, and your armada, ride in Yalcour 
Bay, in defiance of our foes in Canada." * 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 835. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, pp. 859-8G0. 

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 481. 

4. Am. Archives, 5tii S., Vol. II, p. 'J33. 

5. Am. Archives, 5th S,, Vol. II, p. 8'J6. 
(>. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II. p. 440. 
7. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 501. 
b. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1017. 



110 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARXOLD. 

The correspondence at this time between Arnold and 
Gates, and Arnold and Schuyler, had ceased to be formal. 
Engaged in a common canse, and struggling with difficul- 
ties which taxed their energies and patience to the utmost, 
and sharing common responsibilities, they had been drawn 
close to each other, and during all the campaign of 1776, 
their correspondence is frank, friendly, cordial, and some- 
times playful. Gates writes to Arnold : " That the bless- 
ing of the Almighty may prosper all your undertakings is 
the sincere prayer of, dear General, your affectionate, hum- 
ble servant." ^ 

Arnold, writing to Gates for a surgeon for his fleet, says: 
'' The surgeon's mate of Colonel St. Clair's regiment, has a 
good box of medicines, and will incline to go w^ith the fleet. 
I wish he could be sent here, or some one who will answer 
to kill a man secundum artera?^ '^ 

He closes with expressing his compliments to the gentle- 
men of the family of Gates, and his " aflection " for that 
officer. These kind relations, unfortunately, were after- 
wards broken by Arnold's adherence to Schuyler, and the 
jealousy of Gates. 

Vhile the fleet was being exercised, and the raw mate- 
rial out of which Arnold was trying to make sailors and 
gunners were being trained, an instance of gross disobedi- 
ence of orders on the part of one of his subordinates oc- 
curred, which in its treatment illustrates the character of 
Arnold and Gates. A certain commander, Wyncoop, flatly 
refused to obey the orders of Arnold. Arnold reported the 
facts to Gates, who immediately sent back a peremptory 
order that Wyncoop should be placed in arrest and sent a 
prisoner to Ticonderoga. Arnold, in complying with the 
order, writes a note to Gates, and after saying this was the 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 187. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 988. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. Ill 

only case of insubordination, adds: " Wjncoop is sorry for 
his disobedience, * * * and if it could be done with pro- 
priety, I wish he may be permitted to return home without 
being cashiered." ^ His kind request was granted. 

The time at which the desperate struggle for supremacy 
between the fleet of Arnold and that of Sir Guy Carleton 
approached, Schuyler, Gates, Washington — all were con- 
scious of the great superiority of the British. All w^ere 
anxious, but each indulged hope, arising mainly from the 
desperate valor of Ariiold. Knowing his inferiority in 
ships, in weight of metal, and in men, Arnold avoided 
the possibility of an encounter on the open lake, where 
he might have been flanked or surrounded^ by anchor- 
ing his fleet in a line between Yalcour Island and the west- 
ern shore. In this position, the rear being unapproachable, 
and his line extending across the channel, he could be at- 
tacked in front only. This was the flrst time an American 
fought a British fleet. 

There have been three notable battles between the United 
States and the British on the lakes. The battle on Lake 
Erie, known in American liistory as " Perry's Victory," and 
fought between Commodore Perry and the British Admiral 
Barclay; the battle on Lake Champlain, in which the 
Americans, nnder Macdonougb, triumphed. In neither of 
these was there any such great disparity of force, as between 
that of Arnold and Sir Guy Carleton. 

The British fleet consisted of the Inflexible, a large, 
three-masted ship, two schooners, the Lady Mary, and the 
Carleton, a floating battery called the Thunderer, twenty 
gun-boats, besides long-boats and transports. '' They had," 
says Bancroft,^ " more than twice his (Arnold's) weight of 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1073. 

2. Bancroft's History, Vol. IX, p. 154. 



112 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

metal, and twice as many fighting vessels, and skilled sea 
men and officers against landsmen." As lias been stated, 
the British armed vessels were manned by about seven 
hundred selected seamen and well-trained gunners. Cap- 
tain Pringle, of the British navy, commanded, but Carleton 
was himself on board, and among the many young officers 
was Edward Pellew, afterwards distinguished as Admiral 
Viscount Exmouth. This fleet carried ninety-three guns, 
some of them of heavy calibre. The fleet of Arnold con- 
sisted of three schooners, two sloops, three galleys and 
eight gondolas, carrying in all seventy guns.^ 

Early on the morning of the lltli of October, the guard 
boats, stationed as sentinels, gave notice that the British 
fleet was approaching, and it soon appeared off" Cumberland 
Head, moving before a fair wind up the lake. Carleton 
came on, conscious of his greatly superior strength, with 
his battle-flags proudly flying, and when the fleet of Arnold 
was discovered, moored in the passage behind Valcour 
Island, Captain Pringle expressed his belief that they would 
not encounter much resistance, and he anticipated an easy 
victory; but Carleton, remembering Quebec, knew^ that 
Arnold would flght to desperation. As the enemy ap- 
proached, the Americans made ready to receive them. As 
they advanced around the southern point of Yalcour Island 
and attempted to beat up towards the channel in which the 
Americans had formed their line of battle, the large ships 
fell behind. Arnold, who rarely waited to be attacked, de- 
termined to take advantage of the wind, and attack the 
smaller vessels w^hich were in advance, before the large ones 
could beat up to their assistance. AYith the schooner Poyal 
Savage, and three galleys, he went to meet the British, 
and opened a rapid fire, but was gradually pushed back by 
superior force, and attempting to return to the line, in 

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 75, and Lossing s Field Book of Revolution, Vol. I, 
p. 163. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 11 



o 



beating back, the Royal Savage, with its inexperienced 
crew, went aground and was abandoned; Arnold losing his 
baggage, and all his j)apers, but the men were saved/ 

At half-past twelve the British, having brought all their 
gun-boats and schooners wdthin musket- shot of the Ameri- 
can line, the action became general, and from the shore of 
the mainland to the island, the hostile fleets fired at close 
range. Arnold, in the Congress galley, to which he had 
gone after abandoning the Royal Savage, anchored in the 
hottest part of the fire, and here, with obstinate determina- 
tion, he held his position against all odds until five o'clock 
in the afternoon, when the enemy retired. During this 
long afternoon, a terrific cannonade of round and grape shot 
was continually kept up, and a constant blaze of rifles by a 
large body of Indians in the covers of the forest, on the 
shores of the island and the mainland. But as Arnold had 
taken the precaution to protect his men and hi^ ships by 
fascines attached to the sides of the vessels, the rifles did 
little execution. So terrific w^as the cannonade, that the 
roar of the heavy guns is said to have been heard at Crown 
Point. The Congress and the Washington galleys received 
the most injury. Arnold, in the former, which was armed 
with two eighteen-pounders, two twelves, and two sixes, 
fought with desperate heroism. In the absence of experi- 
enced gunners, he pointed most of the pieces himself, pass- 
ing rapidly from gun to gnn, and firing as fast as they could 
be loaded.^ This vessel received seven shots between wind 
and water, was hulled twelve times, the mainmast was 
wounded in two places, the rigging cut to pieces; yet, in 
this condition, and with dead and wounded all around him. 
he refused to yield or retreat; but hour after hour, for five 

1. General Richard Arnold, of the U. S. Arm.v, has a table made of the oak 
lately taken from the wreck of the Royal Savage. 

2, "So deficient was the fleet In gunners, that Arnold pointed almost every gun 
that was fired from his vessel."— /Spa)l-s' Life of Arnold, p. 76. 



114 LIFE OF BEXEDICT ARXOLD. 

hours, cheered on his men bj word and example, until, as 
night approached, the British ^Yithdrew — retiring from an 
enemy commanded by a man who would never know that 
lie was beat, and who would rather go down with flags fly- 
ing than surrender. 

The Washington galley was nearly as badly shattered as 
the Congress; the first lieutenant killed, and the captain and 
master wounded. The Kew York lost all her oflicers except 
her captain. The Philadelphia was hulled in so many 
places that she sunk one hour after the engagement. The 
whole number of killed and wounded was about eighty. 

Never has there been exhibited a more striking illustra- 
tion of Arnold's wonderful power of leadership and ability 
to inspire his men with heroic bravery, and power to make 
militia fight with unflinching courage, than on this occa- 
sion. 

As darkness fell over the scene of this terrible conflict, 
the British commander posted his fleet across the channel, 
through which Arnold must pass to effect his escape, with 
the expectation that in the morning, with his greatly supe- 
rior force, he would capture the whole American flotilla. 
Arnold, however, determined to make an eflort to escape, 
and if he failed, to destroy his ships, land his men, and fight 
his wav through the Indians to Crown Point. He called 
to him for consultation his two able and efficient subordi- 
nates, Colonels Waterbury and Wigglesworth, and, he 
•says, as their " ammunition was three-fourths spent," * 
and the enemy greatly superior in ships and men, they 
resolved to make an etfort to pass through the hostile lines. 
It was a hazy night, and a fair wind had sprung up from 
the north, and so, each vessel putting out every light except 
a single signal lantern in the stern, to guide the ship that 
followed, attempted to pass through the British lines. 

I. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1117. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 115 

As the darkness of the inistj night gathered over the 
waters, tlie first vessel started, and in breathless silence one 
bj one the whole flotilla glided through, between the hos- 
tile vessels : Arnold, in the Congress bringing up the rear, 
and, as usual, the last to leave, as he was ever the first to 
reach, the post of danger. They were undiscovered. It 
was skillfull j, gallantly, admirably done — and now with a 
fresh breeze, the crippled vessels bore away as rapidly as 
possible up the Lake. Using all possible expedition, the 
fleet reached Schuyler's Island, some twelve miles from the 
scene of the battle ; and here they were compelled to lay 
to, and stop the leaks in their vessels and repair damages. 
Arnold instantly sent off a dispatch to Gates, saying: "As 
soon as our leaks are stopped, our whole fleet will make 
the utmost dispatch for Crown Point." Well might he add : 
"We have great reason to return our humble and hearty 
thanks to Almighty God, for preserving and delivering so 
many of us from our more than savage enemies." 

Two of the gondolas were so badly injured they had to 
be abandoned and sunk. In the afternoon the remainder 
of the crippled flotilla again got under way; but the wind 
gradually ceased, and soon a breeze sprung up from the 
south, retarding their advance, so that very little progress 
could be made by beating and rowing. The next morn- 
ing, as the fog rose and the sun came out, the whole 
British fleet, with every sail set, was seen crowding 
down upon them ! The crippled Congress, with Arnold 
on board, the Washington and some gondolas, were in 
the rear. All the otliers, with every inch of canvass 
spread, and urged to the utmost, were flying towards 
Crown Point. It was but a short time, however, before 
the enemy came up and opened fire on the Congress, 
the Washington and the gondolas. After receiving a 
few broadsides the Washington struck her colors; but 



116 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

Arnold had no tlioiiglit of surrender. He determined, 
witli the Congress and the crippled gondolas, to fight the 
whole fleet of the enemy, and so retard their advance, that 
the remainder of his vessels might make good their escape — 
to sacrifice himself if necessary to their safety. He re- 
ceived the whole fire of the hostile fleet. A ship mounting 
twelve eighteen-pound guns, a schooner of fourteen six- 
pounders, and another of twelve sixes, two under her stern 
and one on her broadside, poured their concentrated fire of 
round and grape shot into the already disabled Congress. 
These vessels kept up an incessant fire for four hours upon 
this one ship, which Arnold returned as best he could. 
Thus the English fleet was delayed, and the remainder of 
his own was making good their escape. The Congress was 
so disabled she could not fly, and Arnold would not sur- 
render. Her sails, rigging and hull were shattered and 
torn to fragments; the Lieutenant killed; the crew, many 
of them killed and wounded. Still her stern commander 
had no thought of striking his flag, and continued the con- 
test,' until still other vessels of the enemy arrived, and he 
found himself surrounded with seven sail, each pouring in 
upon the hapless Congress broadside after broadside; and 
still, in the openings of the enemies' sails, and of the smoke 
of their guns, which thickly enveloped him, his flag could 
be seen still flying.^ 

His ship was now a complete WTeck, and, as he could 
fight no more, he managed to break through the vessels 
which surrounded him, and ran the Congress and the gon- 
dolas into a small creek; and ordering the marines to leap 

1. From "the shore dimly seen, through the mists of the deep, 
Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes, 
What is that which the breeze o'er the towering steep, 

As it fitfully blows, half conceals, half discloses? 
Now it catches the gleam of the evening's last beam. 
In full glory reflected — now shines on the stream— 
'Tis the star-spangled banner; O, long may it wave 
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave ! " 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 117 

overboard and wade asliore witli their small arms, lie then 
set fire to the ship and the gondolas, and protected from 
the approach of small boats by the muskets of the marines, 
he lingered until the fire had extended too far to be ex- 
tinguished, and then — his flag still flying — and ordering 
all his men ashore, he himself the last to leave, leaped from 
the bowsprit to the beach, and both he and his men, escap- 
ing an Indian ambuscade by taking an unusual route, 
arrived in safety at Crown Point, and passed on to Ticon- 
deroga. 

*' From Salamis to Trafalgar," 

Where has there been a braver fight ? Well may the 
sober Mr. Sparks, roused by the magnetism of such con- 
duct, exclaim: "There are few instances on record of 
more deliberate courage and gallantry than were displayed 
by him, from beginning to end of this action." * 

The country rang with praises of his heroism, and his 
brilliant achievements were in every man's mouth. " Such 
were the skill, bravery and obstinate resistance of Arnold 
and his men against a vastly superior force; the event was 
hailed as ominous of great achievements when such fear- 
ful odds did not exist." ^ 

"General Arnold covered himself with glory, and his 
example appears to have been nobly followed by most of 
his officers and men. Even the enemy did justice to the 
resolution and skill with which the American flotilla was 
managed, the disparity of force rendering victory out of 
the question, from the first. The manner in which the 
Congress was fouo^ht, until she had covered the retreat of the 
galleys, and the stubborn resolution with which she was 
defended until destroyed, converted the disasters of this 
part of the day into a species of triumph." ^ This lan- 

1. Life of Arnold, p. 79. 

2. Lossing's Field Book of Revolution, p. 165. 

3. J. Fennimore Cooper's Naval History U. S., Vol. I, p. 75. 



118 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

guage of Lossing and Sparks and Cooper is not extravagant. 
Search the naval history of onr English ancestors, from 
Frobisher to ^Nelson, and our own, from Paul Jones to Perry 
and Decatur, down to Farragut, and there is no instance of 
more desperate valor. Arnold lost some of his ships, but 
by his own desperate fighting he saved the others and his 
flag, added to his fame, and in the language of his instruc- 
tions, he met the enemy " with such cool, determined valor," 
as taught them the difficulty of conquering such a people. 

The battle of Bunker Hill was an American defeat, but 
its moral influence on both the contending nations, was 
equal to an American victory. The battle of Yalcour 
Island resulted in the defeat of the American fleet, but if 
every battle was to be thus bloody and desperate, how long 
would the British ministers desire to continue the conflict? 

How the conduct of Arnold was regarded by Gates and 
other officers appears from extracts from their letters and 
orders. 

On the flfteenth of October, Gates encloses Arnold's re- 
port of the engagement to Schuyler, and adds : 

"It has pleased Providence to preserve General Arnold. Few men 
ever met with so many hair-breadth escapes in so short a space of 
time."i 

1. The following is Arnold's report of the figlit: 

" TiCONDEROGA, Oct. 15, 1776. 

' ' Dear General:— I make no doubt before this you have received a copy of my 
letter to General Gates, of the 12th instant, dated at Schuyler's Island, advising of 
an action between our fleet and the enemy the preceding day, in which we lost a 
schooner and a gondola. We remained no longer at Schuyler's Island than to stop 
our leaks and mend the sails of the Washington. At two o'clock P. M., the 12th, 
weighed anchor, with a fresh breeze to the southward. The enemy's fleet at the 
same time got under way; our gondola made very little way ahead. In the evening 
the wind moiierated, and we made such progress that at six o'clock next morning 
we were about off Willsborough, twenty eight miles from Crown Point. The ene- 
my's fleet were very little way above Schuyler's Island ; the wind breezed up to the 
southward, so that we gained very little by beating or rowing : at the same time the 
enemy took a fresh breeze from the northeast, and by the time we had reached 
Split Rock, were along side of us. The Washington and Congress were In the 
rear, the rest of our fleet were ahead, except two gondolas sunk at Schuyler's 



HIS PxVTRIOTISM AND HIS TPvEASOX. 119 

Richard Yarick, writing to General Gates, October ITtli, 

after alludino; to the defeat of the fleet, adds: 

" But among the favors of Providence we have the blessing- of General 
Arnold's safe return. I feared much for him. I hope, however, he will 
still humble the pride and arrognace of haughty Britain, and convince 
them that one defeat does not dispirit Americans." ^ 

On the twenty-second of October, General Gates, writing 
to Gov. Trumball, says: 

Island. The Washington galley was in such a shattered condition, and had so 
many men killed and wounded, she struck to the enemy after receiving a few 
brcads:des. We were then attacked in the Congress galley by a ship mounting 
twelve eighteen-pounders, a schooner of fourteen sixes, and one of twelve sixes, 
two under our stern and one on our broadside, within musket shot. 

" They kept up an incessant fire on us for about five glasses, with round and grape 
shot, which we returned as briskly. The sails, rigging and hull of the Congress were 
shattered and torn in pieces, the First Lieutenant and three men killed, when, to 
prevent her falling into the enemy's hands, who had seven sail around me, I ran 
her ashore in a small creek ten miles from Crown Point, on the East side, when, 
after saving our small arms, I set her on fire, with four gondolas, with whose crews 
I reached Crown Point through the woods that evening, and very luckily escaped 
the savages, who waylaid the road in two hours after we passed. At four o'clock 
yesterday morning I reached this place, exceedingly fatigued and unwell, having 
been without sleep or refreshment for near three days. Of our whole fleet we have 
f^aved only two galleys, two small schooners, one gondola, and one sloop. Gen- 
eral Waterbury, with one hundred and ten prisoners, were returned by Carleton 
last night. On board of the Congress we had twenty-odd men killed and wcunded 
Our whole loss amounts to eighty odd. The enemy's fleetwere last night three miles 
below Crown Point ; their army is doubtless at their heels. We are busily employed 
in completing our lines, redoubts, which, I am sorry to say, are not so forward as 
I could wish. We have very few cannon, but are mounting every piece we have. 
It is the opinion of Generals Gates and St. Clair, that eight or ten thousand militia 
should be immediately sent to our assistance, if they can be spared from below. I 
am of opinion the enemy will attack us with their fleet and army at the same 
time. The former is very formidable, a list of which I am favored with by General 
Waterbury, and have enclosed. 

".The season is so far advanced, our people are daily growing more healthy. We 
have about nine thousand eSectives, and if properly supported, make no doubt of 
stopping the career of the enemy. All your letters to me of late have miscarried. 
I am extremely sorry to hear by General Gates you are unwell. I have sent you by 
General Waterbury a small box, containing all my public and private papers and 
accounts, with a considerable sum of hard and paper money, which I beg the 
favor of your taking care of. 

" I am, dear General, your most affectionate humble servant, 

"B. Arnold. 
"To Hon. Major-General Schuyler." 

Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1080. 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1102. 



120 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

" It would have been happy for the United States had the gallant be- 
havior, and steady good conduct of that excellent officer (Arnold), been 
supported by a fleet in any degree equal to the enemy." ^ 

On the 14tli of October, General Gates in general orders 
" returns his thanks to General Arnold and the officers, sea- 
men and marines of the fleet for the gallant defense they 
made against the great superiority of the enemy's force." ^ 
The conduct of the Americans extorted the admiration even 
of their enemies. A gallant young English officer, named 
Dacre, was sent to England with dispatches, and in giving 
an account of the conflict " does justice to Arnold, and ac- 
knowledges that the disposition of liis force, and the defense 
lie made against a superior enemy, and the management of 
his retreat, did liim great honor." ^ 

The above extracts are given to show the judgment of 
the officers and fellow-soldiers of Arnold at the time of the 
action, and before their opinion could be changed by his 
subsequent conduct. 

I am not unaware that, after Arnold's treason, and since 
it has become the natural inclination of our historians to 
discredit him, it has been stated " that he recklessly sacri- 
ficed his fleet without public benefit." * Such was not the 
opinion of his comrades, and Chief Justice Marshall, with 
more judicial fairness, expresses the judgment of the 
officers of the Kevolution, when he says: "Arnold's fleet 
was very advantageously posted, and forming a strong line 
to defend the passage between Yalcour Island and the west- 
ern main; and his defeat did not dispirit the Americans, 
nor diminish liis reputation.^ 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1192. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 525. 

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1,227. 

4. Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. IX, p. 15(i. 

5. Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, pp. 8-10. See also Irving's Life of 
Washington, Vol. IT, p. 444. 



CHAPTEK VIL 

ARNOLD SUPERCEDED, AND HIS FIGHT AT RIDGEFIELD. 

" I am anxious to know whether General Arnold's non-promotion was owing to 
accident or design ; and the cause of it. Surely a more active, a more spirited, and 
sensible officer fills no department of your army." — Washington. 1 

"May the broad hand of the Almighty overshadow you; and if called to battle, 
may the God of armies cover your head in the day of it."— Haiinah Arnold to htr 
Brothtr. 



Arnold in Washington's Camp— Sfnt to Rhode Island— Advances £1,000 to aid 
Lamb in Raising his Regiment— Offees Himself to the Beautiful Miss 
Deblois— Five Junior Brigadiers Promoted over him— He witholds his Re- 
signation AT Washington's Request— His Desperate Battle, and Escape at 
Ridgefield — Congress Vote him a Horse, and Commission him a Major- 
General— Declare the Charged of Brown to be Cruel Aspersions upon his 
Character— Washington Begs Congress to Send him North to aid in Re- 
pelling Bubgoyne. 

On his arrival at Ticonderoga, Arnold was most cordially 

welcomed by General Gates. His popularity had been 

greatly increased by his conduct in the battle upon Lake 

Cham plain. Mr. Sparks says: 

" Some writers have commented on the execution of this enterprise in 
a tone of captious criticism, which can by no means be sustained by an 
impartial view of the subject.'' Aniold was sent out to meet the enemy. 
Whether he should fight or not, it is true, was left to his discretion. He 
chose the former, and was beaten; but not until he had maintained a 
com))at for half a day. with a force nearly double his own, and caused 
the enemy to retire. This fact is enough to prove that his position was 

1. Letter to Richard Henry Lee, Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV. p. 351. 

2, Life of Arnold, pp. 80-81. See Bancroft's History of U. S., Vol. IX, p. 156. 

(121) 



122 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

judiciously chosen, and that the action on his part was skillfull}' foug-ht. 
* * With consummate address, he then penetrated the enemy's lines, 
and brought off his whole fleet, shattered and disabled as it was, and 
succeeded at last in saving six of his vessels, and it might be added, most 
of his men. * * * 

The conduct of Arnold was at the time approved by his military supe- 
riors, by Congress, and the whole nation." 

Therefore, when lie joined the army again atTiconcIeroga, 
his fellow- soldiers cordially welcomed him, and regarded 
his escape, in the language of Colonel Yarick, as '• a bless- 
ing from Almicrhtv God." Carleton did not attack Ti- 
conderoga. The lateness of the season, and the manner 
in which Arnold had resisted his attack on the Ameri- 
can fleet, doubtless influenced him. Arnold had exhib- 
ited thus far in his military career a brilliant heroism, 
an energy and determination, certainly unsurpassed by that 
of any ofiicer in the service. He had from the first enjoyed 
the unqualified confidence of Washington and Schuyler. 
Warren, while he lived, was his devoted friend, and Chase, 
and Carroll of Carrollton the commissioners from Con- 
gress to Canada, who had visited him in his camp, certified 
to his good conduct. Yet he had bitter and influential 
enemies. Lieutenant Colonel Brown and Colonel Easton 
probably prejudiced some of the members of Congress from 
Is^ew Enirhind as-ainst him. Chase had written to him in 
August, on his return to Philadelphia from Canada: 

" I am distressed to hear so many reports injurious to your character 
tibout the goods seized at Montreal. I cannot but request all persons to 
suspend their opinion, to give »you an opportunity of being heard. 
Your best friends an; not your jcountrymen. * * * Mr. Carroll re- 
quests his compliments, etc. 1 Your affectionate and obedient servant, 

• ^ ' "Samuel Chase." 

Possibly the warm friendship manifested for him by 
Schuyler, who early suggested his name for an important 
position, and who was very unpopular with most of tlie 

1. Am, Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 810. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOI^. 123 

JS'ew England delegates in Congress, may liave prejudiced 
some of the members from that section ao-ainst him. 

"A prophet is not without honor, save in his own 
country." 

As he now came up the lake to Ticonderoga, w^ith 
the glory won in the wilderness of Maine, at Quebec, at 
Yalcour Island, honored by his associates as tlie hero of the 
liour, there was a great contrast between his condition, when 
in May 1775, he marched by the side of Ethan Allen into 
the sally-port of the old fortress. If liis memory reverted, 
as it doubtless did, to the time when as a runaway boy 
he had sought on the shores of these same waters, adven- 
ture in the ranks, he must have felt some satisfaction in 
what he had already accomplished. Intensely ambitious, 
had he possessed the wonderful self-control and poise 
of Washington, his career w^ould have been as brilliant in 
its termination as it had thus far been bright and promis- 
ing. But, while respectful to his superiors, and placable 
to those who made friendly advances to him, there is prob- 
ably no instance — I know of none — in which this proud 
and haughty soldier sought to conciliate an enemy. To 
those who injured him, and to those he believed desired to 
injure liim, he was stern and defiant. Hence he had manj^ 
and powerful enemies, and he was too proud to take any 
step to conciliate them. They who became unfriendly 
from any cause, or without cause, were apt to continue so; 
and prejudice was easily created against a man of his 
haughty spirit, and these enemies finally drove him to des- 
peration and a terrible crime. 

On the twenty-seventh of l^ovember, Arnold and Gates 
were at Albany, and Gates wrote to the President of Con- 
gress, saying: 

"General Arnold, who is nowhere, is anxious after his long- absence 
to see his family, and settle his public accounts. Should the motions of 



12 i LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

the enemy make his? presence necessary, I know his zeal for the service 
will outweigh all other considerations, and induce him to take the route 
that leads to them." ^ 

On tHe fourteenth of December, 1776, Washington writes 
to Governor Triiraball, of Connecticut: 

" I have ordered General Arnold, on his way down from 
Ticonderoga to Norwich, or wherever liis presence will be 
most necessary;"^ and to General Gates: "I wrote to 
General Arnold to go to the eastward on account of intelli- 
gence from that quarter. His presence will be of infinite 
service." '^ 

This order missed him on his route, and he had the 
pleasure of visiting Washington at his camp, on the banks 
of the Delaw^are, where he remained three days, a short 
time before the battle of Trenton/ 

The British were threatenino^ the coast of New England 
and Arnold was now sent to Rhode Island to co-operate 
with General Heath in rallying the militia, and making 
preparations to repel them. General Green, writing to the 
Governor of Khode Island, says : " General Sj^encer and 
General Arnold are coming to take the command in Rhode 
Island. Arnold is a fine spirited fellow, and an active Gen- 
eral."* On his way, Arnold visited his sister, and his 
children, then under her motherly care. The British landed 
and took possession of Newport. The winter was passed 
by him in New England. He visited Boston, and spent 
some time there in consultins^ leadino^ men and the Leo-is- 
ture, with a view of raising a force with which to attack the 
enemy in Rhode Island. Washington wrote to him several 
times during the winter, and in reply to letters from him 
desiring permission to attack, Washington discouraged him> 

1. Am. Archives, 5th S.. Vol. Ill, p. 875. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1-215. 

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1217. 

4. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1343. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 125 

on the ground that liis force was insufficient to make success 
"morally certain." * 

In the campaign against Quebec, Arnold had formed a 
strong attachment for a comrade, Capt. John Lamb, who 
in the assault commanded the artillery; and who had been 
severely wounded and taken prisoner. While at Wash- 
ington's headquarters, on the Delaware, he had made 
strong and successful interest with the commander-in-chief 
to have Lamb exchanged. Soon after the exchange. Lamb 
was authorized to raise a regiment of artillery, and among 
his captains he selected Samuel Mansfield, the brother of 
General Arnold's deceased w^ife. ^ 

Colonel Lamb was very much embarrassed in raising his 
regiment for want of funds, Congress neglecting to furnish 
them. After exhausting his own means, and borrowing of 
his friends, he 

"Fell in with General Arnold, who, upon being acquainted with Ihe 
failure of the government to furnish funds for enlistment, offered the 
loan of one thousand pounds, and sent to Colonel Lamb an order on his 
sister Hannah, who had taken charge of his family after the death of his 
wife. The order was accepted, and that excellent and patriotic woman 
advanced, with alacrity, the money. "^ 

It was during this winter, and while at Boston, that Ar- 
nold met and fell in love with the beautiful Miss Deblois, 
then a distinguished and much admired belle of that city. 
The following is a curious letter of his to Mrs. Knox, wife 
of General Knox, and presents a new -plmse of his char- 
acter: 

''Watektown, 4th March, 1777. 
"Dear Madam: — 

"I have taken the Liberty of Enclosmg a letter to the heavenly Miss 
Deblois, which I beg the favor of your delivering with the trunk of 
gowns, etc., which Mrs. promised me to send to you. I hope she 

1. See letter of Washington to Arnold, Feby. 6, 1777, Sparks' Writings of Wash- 
ington, Vol. IV, p 313 ; also, letter of March 3(J, Vol. IV. p. 314. 

2. Leake's Life of Lamb, p. 150. 

3. Leake's Life of Lamb, p. 153. This act does not tend to prove the penurious- 
ness with which Arnold has been charged. 



126 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

will make no objection to receiving them. I make no doubt you will 
soon have the pleasure to see the charming Mrs. Emery, and have it in 
your power to give me the favorable intelligence. I shall remain under 
the most anxious suspense until I have the favor of a Line from you, who, 
if I may judge, will from your own experience consider the fond anxiety, 
the glowing hopes and chilling fears that alternately possess the heart, of 
dear Madam, Your obedient and most humble Serviint, 

"Benedict Aknold. 
"Mrs. Knox, Boston."^ 

Perhaps tlie brilliant soldier would have been more suc- 
cessful if he had made love in person. AYhat was the reply 
of Miss Deblois, we are not informed ; but it may be 
inferred from the fact that she never married. 

While Arnold was activelv eno^aojed in New En^rland in 
trying to raise a force with which he could attack the Brit- 
ish, an event occurred which had "an important bearing 
on his future destiny." 

On the 19th of February, 1777, Congress elected j&ve 
Major Generals, namely: Stirling, Mifflin, St. Clair, 
Stephen and Lincoln. Arnold was passed over, and the 
above named five, every one his junior in rank, and one of 
them, Lincoln, was promoted from the militia. Whatever 
may have been the merits of Stephen, Stirling, and their 
associates, no one will assert that in service or merit as sol- 
diers, there was anything in their past historj^ to justify 
their promotion over such an officer as Arnold, with the 
military record he had made. He was astonished and in- 

1. W. H. Sumner, who communicates the letter (o the Register, says: "The 
'original letter in Arnold's own handwriting, was accidentally found among the 
papersof General Knox. It is written in a handsome hand, free and unaffected." 
Mr. Sumner says : 

" The impassioned language of Arnold shows that he made love as he fought, and 
did everything else, with all his might and main, and one cannot help reflecting 
how very different might have been the history of this brave but passionate and 
ill- disciplined man, had he succeeded in this, perhaps his first love affair." (Mr. 
Sumner forgets his attachment and marriage to Miss Mansfield, at New Haven.) 
" He was then," says Sumner, " at the zenith of his fame, just subsequent to his 
brilliant career in Canada and on the lsikes."—N€w England Historical cnid Genea- 
logical Register, Vol. II, p. 75. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 127 

dignant, but acted with dignity and self-control. "Wash- 
ington was concerned and equally astonished; he feared the 
army would lose the services of a general he was accus- 
tomed to look to for hard work and severe service. He 
could not think it credible that this indignity could have 
been inflicted upon Arnold by design. " This measure," 
says Sparks, ''was deeply regretted by Washington, who 
valued highly the military abilities of Arnold, and who 
considered the good of the service to require a strict regard 
to the customary rewards for professional merit." ^ 
Washington wrote to Arnold, saying: 

*'I am at a loss to know whether j'ou have had a precedino- appoint- 
ment, as the newspapers announce, or whether you have been omitted 
through some mistake. Should the latter be the case, I beg- you will 
not take any hasty steps, but allow proper time for recollection, which I 
flatter myself will remedy any error that may have been made; my 
endeavors to that end shall not be wanting." '■* 

Arnold's reply, dated March 11th, was manly and dig- 

nitied, but indicated that his feelings were deeply hurt. 

"I am greatly obliged to your Excellency," he wrote to General Wash- 
ington, "for interesting yourself so much in my behalf in respect to my 
appointment, which I have had no advice of, and know not by what 
means it was announced in the papers. I believe none but the printer 
has a mistake to rectify. Congress, undoubtedly, have a right of pro- 
moting those whom, from their abilities, and their long and arduous ser- 
vices, they esteem most deserving. Their promoting junior officers to the 
rank of major-generals, 1 view as a very civil way of requesting my 
resignation, as unqualified for the office I hold. My commission was 
conferred unsolicited, and received with pleasure only as a means of serv- 
ing my country. "With equal pleasure I resign it, when T can no longer 
serve my country v/ith honor. The person who, void of the nice feelings 
of honor, will tamely condescend to give up his right, and retain a com- 
mission at the expense of his reputation, I hold as a disgrace to the 
amiy, and unworthy of the glorious cause in which we are engaged. 
When I entered the service of my country my character was unim- 
peached. I have sacrificed my interest, ease and happiness in he;- cause. 

1. Note of Sparks to Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 343. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Wasliington, pp. 345-0. 



128 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

It is rather a misfortune than a fault, that my exertions have not been 
crowned with success. lam conscious of the rectitude of my intentions. 
In justice, therefore, to my own character, and for the satisfaction of my 
friends, I must request a court of inquiry into my conduct; yet every per- 
sonal injury shall be buried in my zeal for the safety and happiness of 
my countrj'', in whose cause I have repeatedly foug-ht and bled, and am 
ready at all times to risk my life. I shall certainly avoid any hasty step 
(in consequence of the appointments which have taken place,) that may 
tend to the injury of my country." 

Again: — 

" In my last I intimated to your Excellency the impossibility of my 
remaining- in a disagreeable situation in the army. My being superseded 
must be viewed as an implied impeachment of my character. I therefore 
requested a court of inquiiy into my conduct. I believe the time is now 
at hand when I can leave this department without any damage to the 
public interest. When that is the case, I will wait on your Excellency, 
not doubting' my request will be granted, and that I shall be able to 
acquit myself of every charge which malice or envy can bring against 
me."i 

On the 6th of March, Washington writes to his confi- 
dential friend, Richard Ilenrj Lee, member of Congress 
from Virginia, saying : 

" I am anxious to know whether General Arnold's non-promotion was 
owing to accident or design, and the cause of it. Surelj' a more active, 
a more spirited and sensible ofl&cer fills no department in your army. 
Not seeing him, then, in the list of Major- General 3, and no mention 
made of him, gives me uneasiness, as it is not to be presumed, being 
the oldest brigadier, that he will continue in the service under such a 
slight." 2 

On the third of April, Washington again wrote to Arnold 
on this subject, as follows: 

*' MoRRiSTOwx, 3d April, 1777. 

*' Deak Sir: It is needless for me to say much upon a subject which 
must undoubtedly give you a good deal of uneasiness. I confess I was 

1. Spark's Writin<?s of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. S45-346. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV. p. ."51. As an illustration of Con- 
gress' disregard of Washington's wishes, he wrote to Richard Henry Lee, in regard 
to the appointment of Conway as Major General: "I think it will be a fatal blow 
to the existence of the array ;" and yet Congiess appointed Conway. Writings of 
Washington, Vol. V, p. 484. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 120 

surprised when I did not see j-our name in the list of Major-Generals, 
and was so fully of opinion that there was some mistake in the matter, 
that, as you may recollect, I desired you pot to take any hasty step before 
the intention of Congress was fully known. The point does not now 
admit of a doubt, and is of so delicate a nature that I will i.ot even 
undertake to advise. Your ow^n feelings must be your guide. As no 
partcular charge is alleged against you, I do not see upon what ground 
you can demand a court of inquiry. Besides, pubhc bodies are not 
amenable for their actions. They place and displace at pleasure; and 
all the satisfaction that an individual can obtain wdien he is overlooked, 
is, if innocent, a consciousness that he has not deserved such treatment 
for his honest exertions. Your determination not to quit your present 
command while any danger to the public might ensue from your leaving 
it, deserves my thanks, and justly entitles you to the thanks of your 
country. 

"General Greene, who has lately been at Philadelphia, took occasion 
to inquire upon wdiat principle the Congress proceeded in their late pro- 
motion of general officers. He was informed that the members from 
each State seemed to insist upon having a proportion of general officers 
adequate to the number of men which they furnish, and that, as Con- 
necticut had already two Major-Generals, it was their full share. I con- 
fess this is a strange mode of reasoning, but it may serve to show you 
that the promotion, which was due to your seniority, was not overlooked 
for want of merit in you. I am, dear sir, yours, etc." ^ 

Arnold, in consequence of the advice of Washington, 
did not resign, saying, "Every personal injury shall be 
buried in my zeal for the safety and happiness of my 
country, in whose cause I have repeatedly fought and bled, 
and am ready at all times to risk my life." 

He was not, more than other officers, unduly or unusually 
sensitive about his rank and promotion. Later in the year 
1777, a report reached camp that a French officer, named 
Ducondray, had been appointed by Congress a Major-Gen- 
eral in the American army, and was to command the artil- 
lery. Without waiting to learn whether the report was 
true. Generals Greene, Sullivan and Knox, each wrote to Con- 
gress a laconic letter, dated on the same day, and each request- 
ing, if the report was true, permission to retire. General 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 377-8. 
9 



130 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

!N"atlianiel Greene says: " If the report be true, it will lay 
me under tlie necessity of resigning my commission, as his 
appointment (Ducondray's) supercedes me in command." ^ 

Dncondray was not appointed, but the incident is intro- 
duced to show the feeling among the American officers on 
the subject. An opportunity soon occurred to test Arnold's 
sincerity, when he declared his readiness, notwithstanding 
the indignity put upon him, "to risk his life for his coun- 
try." 

Smarting under this injustice, on his route from Provi- 
dence to Philadelphia — to ask an investigation of his con- 
duct, — in passing through Connecticut he stopped at New 
Haven to visit his sister and his children. While there he 
heard of the invasion of that State by Governor Tryon 
with two thousand British troops. They had landed near 
Fairfield, marched towards Dan bury where a large amount 
of public stores had been collected. They reached Dan- 
bury on the 26th, at four p. m., and burned the stores and 
a part of the town. Generals Wooster and Silliman had 
hastily collected a few hundred militia, and about one hun- 
dred continentals ; amounting in all to some six hundred, 
and pushed forward in pursuit of Tryon. Hastening from 
'New Haven, Arnold joined them at Heading, and they 
all marched to Bethel, four miles from Danbury, arriving 
there at two o'clock at night. Here they learned that Dan- 
bury had been burned, with all the public stores, and that 
the British were preparing to retire to their ships. 

"At day -light on the following morning, Arnold and 
Silliman proceeded with four hundred men to Pidgefield? 
with the design of intercepting the enemy on their return; 
and Wooster with two hundred men took another route to 
harrass the rear of the enemy." Wooster soon came up with 
the British, and a skirmish ensued in which the brave old 
general received a mortal wound. 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, note on page 490 of Vol IV, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 131 

By the time Arnold arrived at Hidgefield, the militia of 
his State, proud of his fame, and eager to fight under his 
leadership, had flocked to his standard, so that his numbers 
exceeded five hundred men. 

He hastily constructed a barricade of carts, logs, stones 
and earth, across the highway along which the British were 
coming. His position was well chosen, the street narrow, 
and flanked on the one side by a ledge of rocks, and on the 
other by a house and barn. Behind this barricade, he formed 
his men, and awaited the approach of the enemy. At three 
o'clock Tryon approached at the head of nearly two thou- 
sand troops, marching in solid column, and as soon as he 
discovered the position of Arnold, he opened a heavy fire in 
front, and sent out detachments on each flank, to turn them 
and get into the rear of the Americans. The British fire 
was returned with great spirit, and Arnold with his small 
force, held his position against four times their number, 
for some time. At length, the British flanking party, 
under General Agnew, gained the summit of the ledge of 
rocks, w^hen Arnold ordered his men to retreat. At about the 
same time, a whole platoon of General Agnew's infantry, 
w^ho had gained the rocks above him, came running down, 
and when not more than thirty yards distant, all fired at him. 
His horse received nine balls and instantly fell dead. ^ He, 
strange as it seems, was not hit. For a moment, his feet 
being entangled in his stirrups, he was unable to rise. See- 
ing his position, a soldier rushed forward with fi.xed bayonet 
to run him through; approaching Arnold, as he sat still 
entangled on his dead horse, the soldier called out: "Sur- 
render! you are my prisoner!" "JSTot yet," exclaimed 
Arnold, coolly, and drawing a pistol from his holster, he 
shot the soldier dead. At the same moment, extricating 

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution Vol. I, p. i09. See note in which it is 
stated that nine bullet holes Avere found in Arnold's dead horse, as he was skinned 
by some neighboring farmers. 



132 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

himself, he sprang upon his feet, and leaped away into a 
thickly wooded swamp near by, followed by a shower of 
balls — but again he escaped untouched. "So remarkable 
an exhibition of cool and steady courage in a moment of 
extreme dano:er has rarely been witnessed." ^ The British 
went into camp within a mile of Hidgefield until tlie fol- 
lowing morning, when they resumed their march tow^ards 
their ships, at Compo. 

As Tryon approached !N"orwalk, he learned that the inde- 
fatigable, and apparently invulnerable, Arnold, was again 
in the saddle, and was rallying the scattered militia to cut 
him off. 

'' Being reinforced, he hung upon their flanks and rear, 
throughout their entire march to their ships, attacking 
them at every assailable point." ^ At Compo, aided by a 
portion of Lamb's artillery, it is probable the whole detach- 
ment would have been captured, had not Sir William Ers- 
kine landed a party of marines from the ships, and with 
these fresh troops drove the Americans back. During all 
this fighting, Arnold, reckless of danger, at the head of the 
attacking party, led the militia in person, encouraged them 
by voice and example, until his horse — his second horse — 
was wounded in the neck and disabled. Arnold still 
escaped, although a bullet passed through the collar of his 
coat. In such a manner did he make good his w^ords to 
"Washington, that he was still, notwithstanding the indig- 
nity put upon him — " ready at all times to risk his life for 
the safety and happiness of his country." 

The news of these exploits passed rapidly to Congress, 
and extorted from that body the promotion, which, in tlie 
judgment of -Washington, had been so unjustly withheld. 
Congress, on the twentieth of May, also passed the follow- 
ing resolution: 

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 91. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 91. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON, 133 

*' That the Quarter-Master General be directed to procure a horse, and 
present the same, properly caparisoned, to Major-General Arnold, in the 
name of this Congress, as a token of their approbation of his gallant 
conduct in the action against the enemy, in their late enterprise to Dan- 
bury, in which General Arnold had one horse killed and another 
wounded." ^ 

Congress also, on the same day, ordered, "That tlie 
letter from General Arnold, with the papers enclosed, be 
referred to the Board of "War, together with such com- 
plaints as had been lodged against him." This referred 
especially to the charges of Lt.-Colonel Brown, and all 
other "complaints" against him. On the 23d of May, 
the Board of War reported that they had had a conference 
with General Arnold concerning the imputations of Brown ; 
had examined original letters, orders and papers, giving an 
account of his conduct; confirmed by the relations of Mr. 
Carroll, one of the late commissioners to Canada, then a 
member of the Board of War, and that this evidence had 
given entire satisfaction to the Board, concerning the Gen- 
eral's character and conduct, so cruelly and groundlessly 
aspersed. * 

Congress immediately confirmed the report. But not- 
withstanding all this, for some reason Congress did not 
give him his proper rank; he was still out-ranked by the 
five Major Generals, by whom he had been superceded on 
the 19th of February. He who had been the senior Briga- 
dier General, was now at the foot of the Major Generals, 

1. Journals of Congress, Vol, III, p. 194. 

2. The text of the resolution is as follows : " The Board of War reported that 
they had had a conference with Major-General Arnold, concerning the imputations 
cast upon his character, contained in a hand-bill, dated Pittsfield, April 12th, 1777, 
and subscribed, John Brown — laid before Congress by the General in his letter to 
the President— that the General laid before the Board a variety of original letters, 
orders and other papers, which, together with the General's account of his conduct, 
confirmed by the relation of Mr, Carroll, one of the late commissioners to Canada— 
now a member of this Board— have given entire satisfaction to this Beard, con- 
cerning the General's character and conduct, so cradbj awX groundlessly a^sperscd in 
the publication. 

''Resolved, That the said report be confirmed." Ditto p. 190. 



134 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

all liis late juniors outranking liim. There is an inconsis- 
tency and a mystery in regard to this action of Congress, 
difficult to understand. General Washington himself could 
not understand it. On the 5th of May, he wrote to the 
President of Congress, saying: " General Arnold's promo- 
tion gives me much pleasure. He has certainly discovered 
in every instance, where lie has had an opportunity, much 
bravery, activity and enterprise. But what will be done 
about his rank ? He will not act, most probably, under 
those he commanded but a few weeks ago." * 

Washington, sensible of the delicacy of Arnold's posi- 
tion, gave him the command on the Hudson, which was 
then regarded as honorable a post as any officer could hold. 
On the 7th of May, Washington writes to General McDou- 
gal, saying: " I have desired him (General Arnold) to come 
immediately to Peekskill. * ^ You will find him a man 
of judgment." * ^ * 

Arnold however did not accept this position, but asked 
and obtained leave to go to Philadelphia, and ask the resto- 
ration of his proper rank and that his accounts should be 
settled. Washington gave him a letter to the President ot 
Congress stating the object of his visit, and requesting that 
Arnold should have " an opportunity of vindicating himselt, 
and his innocence."^ He adds "It is needless to say any- 
thing of this gentleman's military character. It is univer- 
sally known that he has always distinguished himself as a 
judicious, brave officer, of great activity, enterprise and 
perseverance." 

On his arrival, he addressed a letter to Congress, whidi 
shows how deeply he felt wounded and grieved : 

" I am exceedingly unhappy," said he, "to find that after having made 



1. SparKs' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 408. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 410. 

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV. p. 416. 



1 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 135 

every sacrifice of fortune, ease and domestic happiness to serve my coun- 
try, I am publ.cly impeached (in particular by Lt.-Colonel Brown,) of a 
catalogue of crimes, which, if true, ought to subject me to disgrace, in- 
famy, and the just resentment of my countrymen. Conscious of the rec- 
titude of my intentions, however I may have erred in judgment, I must 
request the favor of Congress to point out some mode by which my con- 
duct, and that of my accusers, may be inquired into, and justice done to 
the innocent and injured." ^ 

This was the letter which, with tlie other papers, were 
referred to the Board of War, as above set forth. 

On the day this petition was presented, May 20th, 
Richard Henry Lee wrote from Congress to Mr. Jefferson, 
saying: " One plan, now in frequent use, is to assassinate 
the characters of the friends of America, in every place and 
by every means; at this moment they are now reading in 
Congress an audacious attempt of this kind against the 
brave General Arnold." ^ 

But Congress did not restore his proper rank — nor was 
any action taken on the letter " of General Washington." 
Congress had declared that they were entirely satisfied with 
the conduct of General Arnold; they declared the charges 
against him " cruel and groundless," and yet they did 
not do him the justice to restore his rank. Those who 
knew him best, and whose opportunities for learning his 
true character were most favorable, were his warmest 
friends. Washington, Schuyler and Gates, up to and after 
this time, the commissioners of Congress to Canada, Chase 
and Carroll, of Carrollton, who had been in his camp, and 
among the troops in Canada, sent there to investigate and 
correct wrongs and abuses — all bear testimony to his merits, 
and all at this time were his friends. To what extent his 
treatment by Congress is to be attributed to envy, jealousy, 
or other unworthy motives, it is now perhaps impossible to 
determine. 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. TV, p. 417. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Wasliingtou, Vol. IV —note to page 418. 



136 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

While in Philadelphia, Arnold presented his accounts, 
and asked the appointment of a committee to investigate 
and audit them. These accounts were voluminous, running 
back to the time when he started from Cambridge on the 
expedition to Quebec, through all his campaigns in Canada 
and on Lake Champlain, down to the battle of Yalcour 
Island. During all this time the army was very imperfectly 
organized, the supply of money was inadequate — what was 
turnished often un-current; the business of purchases, 
payments, and money affairs generall}^ rested in a very 
large degree with the commanders of detachments. 

In June, 1776, in a letter from St. Johns, writing to Gen- 
eral Sullivan, Arnold says: " I have borrowed several sums 
of hard money. ^ * The poor soldiers receive no benefit 
from their pay (it being in uncurrent paper), and starve in 
the midst of plenty, with their pockets full of money." ' 
Writing to the commissaries of Congress, June 2ud, 1776, 
Arnold says: " Everything is in the greatest confusion." 
Not one contractor, commissary or quarter-master. I am 
obliged to do the duty of all." ** In Maj^, 1776, at Sorel, he 
had to purchase for the troops beef, wheat, flour, blankets, 
tents, clothing, etc. He says: "A quarter-master and 
commissary are much needed here; I have so much on 
hand I can hardly get one minute to write." ^ To Chase, 
one of the commissaries, he says. May 15th: "Will it not 
be advisable and justifiable to seize on all such goods in 
Montreal as w^e are in absolute necessity for, and pay them 
the value? This I submit to your better judgment." * 

Arnold had sometimes used his own means, and his credit, 
which at that time seems to have been good in Canada, to 
relieve the most pressing needs of the suffering soldiers. At 

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 931. 

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 165 

:i. Am. Archives, 4th >., Vol. VI, pp. 579-580. 
4. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, pp. 5S0-581. 



HIS PATRI0TIS3I AND HIS TREASON. 137 

the cominencement of the war lie was in easy circuinstances, 
a prosperous and entei-prising merchant. He said that in 
the service of his country he had sacrificed the " greater 
part of a handsome fortune." He was always profuse in his 
expenditures, and was a man who, if he had means or credit, 
would never hesitate one moment in using both for the 
relief of his soldiers, and to promote his ruling passion fur 
military success. Undoubtedly the accounts of his expendi- 
tures, seemed t) the committee of investigation very large: 
and he had enemies who did not hesitate to charije him with 
an attempt to defraud the country, for which he had been 
so freely exposing his life. In the absence of anj'- proof of 
fraud, it is more charitable — probably more just — to attrib- 
ute the large claims which he presented, to the confusion 
in which aUairs had been managed, and to the necessities 
of the service — the sufferings of the soldiers, which liad 
induced him to use his own means and credit to the utmost. 
While the committee of Congress were examining his 
accounts, he was appointed to the command of the army 
then gathering in the neighborhood of Philadelphia, to 
watch the movements of General Howe. When this 
officer made a demonstration towards Philadelphia, Arnold 
was sent forward to the Delaware above Trenton, to co-oi^e- 
rate with AYashington in opposing his advance. This duty 
he discharged with his usual zeal, and was as usual eager to 
fight. Writing to Mifflin, June 12th, 1T7T, he says: " Pight 
the enemy we must, whenever our reinforcements are in. 
We cannot avoid it with honor; our men are in high 
spirits."^ But the British General retired to Brunswick, 
and Arnold returned to Philadelphia, and again sought a 
settlement of his accounts. The committee having the 
matter in charge did not report, nor did Congress act upon 
his reiterated request that his pro2:)er rank should be 

1. Eemembrancer, Vol. V, p. 268. 



138 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

restored. His patience became exLansted, and his wounded 
pride and impetuous temper would not submit. He wrote 
a letter to Congress tendering liis resignation, but declaring 
that he was driven to it only by a sense of injustice; and 
professing an ardent love for his country, and his readiness 
to risk his life in her cause ; but added: " Honor is a sacrifice 
no man ought to make; as I received, so I wish to transmit 
it to posterity." 

On the very day this letter from Arnold was presented 
to Congress, that body received a letter from General Wash- 
ington, dated July 10th, 1777, communicating the fact that 
General Burgoyne was advancing along the old war path 
from Canada, determined to possess himself of all our posts 
in that quarter, and threatening to advance still further to 
Albany and the Hudson, and earnestly recommending that 
they should send Arnold to the field of danger. He says: 

* ' * * Upon this occasion I would take the liberty to suggest to Con- 
gress the propriety of sending an active, spirited officer to conduct and 
lead them on. If General Arnold has settled his affairs, and can be spared 
from Philadelphia, I would recommend him for this business, and that 
he should immediately set out for the northern department. He is active, 
judicious and brave, and an officer in whom the militia will repose great 
confidence. Besides this, he is well acquainted with that country, and 
with the routes and most important passes and defiles in it. 1 do not 
think he can render more signal services, or be more usefully employed at 
this time than in this way. I am persuaded his presence and activity 
will animate the militia greatly, and spur them on to a becoming conduct. 
I could wish him to be engaged in a more agreeable service, to be with 
better troops, but circumstances call for his exertions in this way, and I 
have no doubt of his adding much to the honors he has already ac- 
quired." ^ * * 

And again, on the 12th, Washington says to Congress: 
" In my last I took the liberty of suggesting the propriety 
of sending an active oflficer to animate the militia that may 
assemble for checking General Burgoyne's progress, and 
mentioned General Arnold for that purpose. "^ * Being 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV. pp. 4S5, 487. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 139 

more and more convinced of the important advantages that 
will result from his presence and conduct, I have thought 
it mv duty to repeat my wishes on the subject, and that he 
may without a inomenfs loss of time^ set out from Phila- 
delphia for that purpose." * 

These letters from his chief soothed the wounded feelings 
of Arnold, and the mention of a campaign against Bur- 
goyne was to him like the sound of the trumpet to the war- 
horse. 

Instantly he asked leave to suspend his request for per- 
mission to resign, only adding that he would leave it with 
Congress, and made no doubt they would listen to it when 
the service was over. He had determined to drive Bur- 
goyne back to Canada or die. He went even farther, and 
" volunteered," says Sparks, " an act of magnanimity, which 
certainly must extort praise if it cannot win esteem." "* 
Knowing that St. Clair was in command in the northern 
army, and that he was one who had been his junior, and 
one of the five promoted over him, he generously waived all 
considerations of rank and pride, and declared he would 
" do his duty faithfully in the rank he then held, and trust 
to the justice of his claims for a futui'e reparation." 

Such was the spirit with which Arnold left Philadelphia 
to join Schuyler in the campaign against Burgoyne. 

The thrilling story of that campaign, and the part that 
Arnold bore in it, will be the subject of the following 
chapters. 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 489-490. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 99. 



CHAPTEK VIII. 

CAMPAIGN ON THE MOHAVfK, AND RELIEF OF FORT 

STANWIX. 

"He (Arnold) is active, judicious and brave, and an officer in whom the militia 
have great confidence."— Wa^hintjton. 

" In my last I suggested an active officer to animate the militia who may assem- 
ble, for checking General Burgoyne's progress, and mentioned General Arnold. 
Being more and more convinced of the important advantages of his presence, I 
have thought it my duty to repeat my -wishes, that he may without one moment's 
loss of time set out." — Washivgton. 1 

Bt. I.eger Invests Fort Stanwix— Herkimer going to its Relief, Falls into 
AN Ambuscade, and at the Battle of Oriskany is Mortally Wounded — 
Arnold Volunteers to go to the Relief of Ganskvoort— Reaches German 
Flats, and although a Council of War Resolve that they must Wait for 
Reinforcements, he Determines to " Push Forward and Hazard a Battle," 

RATHER than SEE THE GARRISON FALL— HE RESORTS TO A RUSE— FRIGHTENS 

THE Indians, who Abandon the Siege, and Stanavix is Relieved. 

The third year of the w^ar was how openiHg, and as yet 
no decisive results had been reached. 'No o-reat victories 
had been achieved, nor had any large army been captured 
on either side. Washington's wise Fabian policy would in 
time tire out an enemy fighting three thousand miles from 
home. The English began to realize this, and the British 
ministry meant to make the campaign of Burgoyne in 177T 
decisive. The plan was simple, but skillful, and if success- 
ful, might in its results have realized the hopes of its pro- 
jectors. The principal feature w^as the expedition of Bur- 
fi^ovne, which was to move from Quebec bv the St. Lawrence, 

1. Washington to Congress. Writings of Washington, Vol. IV p. 487-489. 

(140) 



J 



HIS PATEIOTISM AI^D HIS TEEASO]N-. 141 

Lake Champlain, and the banks of the Hudson, to Albany. 
Auxiliary and co-operative with this, was another expedi- 
tion under St. Le^er, which, passing up the St. Lawrence 
and Lake Ontario to Oswego, was to push through by wav 
of Wood Creek and the Oneida Lake, into the rich valley of 
the Mohawk, capturing on its way old Fort Stanwix, then 
called Fort Schuyler, where the city of Rome now stands; 
thence along the Mohawk to join Burgoyne at Albany. 
Meanwhile, General Howe was to advance up the Hudson 
from the city of ISTew York, and form a junction with the 
combined forces of St. Leger and Burgoyne. With St. 
Leger was a large body of Indians, under Sir John John- 
son and Joseph Brant (Thayandenega), one of the ablest 
and most celebrated of the Indian chiefs. The fall of 
Fort Schuyler, and the success of the expedition, would 
expose all the settlements west of Albany, most of which 
were then organized, as Tryon county, to the barbarous cru- 
elties of the savages. How appalling these would have 
been, the massacre of men, women and children at Wyo- 
ming, Cherry Yalley and other places, but too well indicate. 

The success of Burgoyne's campaign would have cut off 
Xew England from the other States, and have placed the 
powerful State of ]^ew York in the complete control of the 
British. It is not, therefore, surprising that both the friends 
and foes of American independence, looked upon the result, 
as likely to be extremely important, perhaps absolutely 
decisive. " This campaign will end the war," said Reidesel, 
one of Burgoyne's most distinguished ofificers. 

The theater of conflict was one of the most picturesque in 
America; and has been long known as hereinbefore stated, 
as the battle ground on which the fate of America between 
France and Great Britain had been often contested. The 
lakes of the north, as well as the valleys of the Mohawk and 
the Hudson, had often been the pathwaj^ of French, Englisli, 



142 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Colonial and Indian armies. Composed of lakes and moun- 
tains, rivers and valleys, dark forests and fertile flats, the 
country was interesting, not only for its strategic impor- 
tance, but for its picturesque beauty. Most of tliis vast 
region, now among the most thickly settled and highly cul- 
tured parts of Kew York, was in 1777 a wilderness. 
Settlements west of Albany were scattered and weak; the 
people exposed alike to the wild animals and still wilder 
and more savage Indians. Block-houses for defense were 
still common among the settlers; and along the Mohawk 
the little stone church was often used as a substitute in 
case of attack. 

The Tory element was of considerable strength. In the 
Yalley of the Mohawk, there had lived for several years in 
baronial style, in "Johnson Hall," the family of Sir William 
Johnson, and the influence of this family over the Indians, 
with whom they were allied by marriage, was very strong. 

Far greater differences in social rank and condition 
existed at that time in 'New York than in most of the 
New England States. Grants of lands in large areas had 
been made to various individuals, and as the law of entail 
and primogeniture then existed, these lands were still held 
in very large tracts by the descendants of the grantees, and 
the landlords lived in considerable state, and exercised large 
influence over their tenants and dependants. Some of these 
large land-holders were adherents of Great Britain, but most 
of the historic families of the colonial days were patriots, 
exercising controlling influence in their State, and they 
made themselves felt in the national government. The 
Clintons, the Livingstons,^ the Yan Rensselaers, the Gane- 
voorts, the De Lanceys, the Duers, the Jays and the Schuy- 

1. Livingston " informed me he held 300,000 acres of l&nd."— Journal of Charles 
Carroll to Canada, in 1776. Van Renselaer had a grant of twenty miles on each 
hide of the Hudson. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 143 

lers, and their associates, were very important personages at 
the Colonial and Revohitionary period. 

In no part of the Republic are the changes and advance 
of our country more strikingly illustrated than in this val- 
ley. A hundred years ago, and Fort Stanwix was the 
frontier post; the bark canoe of the Mohawk and Oneida 
Indians, and the flat-boat of the pioneer, bore the few sup- 
plies and exchanges taken to and from Albany to the set- 
tlers. Now the journey from the site of Fort Stanwix at 
Rome, past Utica, through this picturesque valley to 
Schenectady and Albany, is along a canal and railway that 
convey the travel and the trade of the continent, and over 
which pass a number of passengers and an amount of com- 
merce nowhere exceeded in the w^orld. 

John Burgoyne, the leader of the expedition, which it 
was confidently hoped would end the war, had seen service 
and won a brilliant reputation as a soldier, in Portugal. 
He was connected by marriage with the noble house of 
Derby ; was popular with the people, a favorite at court 
and in the army; and every means was placed at his com- 
mand which could contribute to the success of his enter- 
prise. His troops, grenadiers, infantry and artillery were 
of the best in the British army. He had under him Major- 
General Phillips and General Fraser, a gallant Scotchman, 
both regarded as possessing extraordinary skill and ability; 
about four thousand German troops, commanded by Gen- 
eral Rediesel, and a large number of Canadians, Indians 
and Royalists, made up a force numbering in all nine or 
ten thousand men. In arms and appointments, in every- 
thing which could make his army effective, nothing was 
omitted. 

On the 2Ith of June, this carefully prepared engine of 
destruction moved along the old historic war path towards 
Crown Point. General St. Clair occupied Ticonderoga and 



144 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

Mount Independence — tlie former tlie old fortress into wliicli 
Ethan Allen and Arnold had marched side by side, on the 
10th of May, 1775. Fort Independence had been con- 
structed since that time. Together, these two posts com- 
manded a narrow passage of the lake, and this had been 
so obstructed as, it was believed, would prevent the passage 
of vessels; but unfortunately both these fortifications were 
themselves completely commanded by high and accessible 
elevations, called Sugar Loaf Hill and Mount Hope, and 
through a strange oversight these commanding positions 
had been left unoccupied. 

The British arrived in the neighborhood of Ticonderoga 
on the 2nd and 3d of July, and discovering that Sugar Loaf 
Hill was unoccupied, and finding on investigation that it 
was practicable to place a battery on its summit, during the 
night of the 4th a road was made and a battery placed on 
the top, and it was then christened by the British " Mt. 
Defiance," as from it the guns of the Americans in Ticon- 
deroga could be defied, jit dawn of day on the 5th, St. 
Clair was startled by the intelligence that the British flag 
was floating from the top of the mountain, and the scarlet 
uniform of British soldiers could be seen placing heavy 
guns in battery wdiich overlooked and commanded his posi- 
tion. A council of war was called, which decided the posi- 
tion of the Americans to be untenable, and arrangements 
were immediately made for retreat. The forts were aban- 
doned. St. Clair attempted to escape by stealth, but his 
movement was discovered and he was hotly pursued by the 
enemy, who captured guns, material of war, baggage and 
stores in large quantities. 

Farther up the lake at Skenesborough, the troops hearing 
that Ticonderoga had been abandoned, set fire to the ves- 
sels, the fort, the mills and block-houses, and retreated to 
Fort Anne. Burgoyne reported to Lord Germain that 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 145 

the American army at Tlconcleroga "was disbanded and 
totally ruined." This was an exaggeration ; the pursuit was 
checked at Hnbberton, by Warner and Francis, and St. 
Clair reached Fort Edward with fifteen hundred continental 
troops.* But the retreat and abandonment of the defenses, 
which were supposed to be strong, and before which the 
country confident!}^ believed the enemy would be checked 
and held at bay, if not repulsed, cast a deep gloom over the 
people. Both Schuyler and St. Clair were severely censured. 

The Indians who accompanied the expedition, emboldened 
by this success, and thirsting for blood and plunder, began 
to bring in scalps, and hanging on the out-j)Osts of the 
advancing columns, frequently murdered unarmed parties, 
and their ferocity was often exhibited in the ruthless scalp- 
ing of the settlers, not sparing women and children. 

On the 2Tth of July, Jane McCrea, a beautiful girl of 
twenty years of age, betrothed to David Jones, a loyalist and 
Lieutenant in the British service, while riding from Fort 
Edward to the British camp, escorted by two Indians, was 
cruelly killed and scalped. This sad tragedy, made more 
touching by the beauty of the victim, has for a century 
been the theme of poetry and romance. The horrid drama 
has been told in various and conflicting narratives, and the 
exact truth is involved in some obscurity; but that it 
touched the heart and nerved the arm of every loyal father, 
brother, and lover in the American settlements, far and 
near, there is no dispute. Each realized the possibility that 
such might be the fate of his own wife, daughter, sister or 
betrothed; and the story told at the fireside of so many 
homes, aroused a hatred toward the British, then accused 
of exciting the savages against the Americans, which, 
in the neighborhood of the tragedy has not died out 
to tlr> day. The accusation, so far as Burgoyne was 

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution. 
10 



146 LIFE OF BEXEDICT AEXOLD. 

concerned, has long been known to have been unjust. He 
was shocked by the event, caused " the assassin to be hunted 
out, and threatened him with death, but pardoned him on 
being told that the total defection of the Indians w^ould have 
ensued from putting his threat into execution." ' But the 
touching story of poor Jenny McCrea brought hundreds of 
volunteers to oppose Burgoyne, ^vho might otherwise have 
remained at home. 

The fall of Ticonderoga and the retreat of St. Clair 
alarmed the patriots, gladdened the loyalists, and fixed the 
wavering Indians to what they now regarded as the strong- 
est side. Yet heavy as was the loss, it is not clear but that 
in the end it was for the advantage of the American cause. 
If Burgoyne had been repulsed from the fortifications at 
Ticonderoga, having command of the lake, he could at all 
times have made good his retreat; but he was now advanc- 
ing so far into the interior that he must either get through 
to Albany or be captured. His advance south and beyond 
water communication with Canada, secured the capture of 
his whole army. Yet at the time the disasters of the Amer- 
icans in the north, and the approach of Burgoyne wath his 
Indian allies, caused a depression and anxiety scarcely 
equalled during the war. In this dark hour it appears that 
both Washington and Schuyler, each of whom knew Arnold 
well, thought of him as the fittest ofl^icer to send forward to 
lead, and as Washington said in his letter to Congress, "to 
animate the militia that may assemble for checking Gen- 
eral Burgoyne's progress;" and he adds: "being more and 
more convinced of the important advantages that w411 
result from his presence and conduct, I have thought it my 
duty to repeat my wishes, that he may set out without a 
moment's loss of time for that pui-pose." "^ " He is active, 

1. Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. IX, p. 372. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 490. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 147 

jndicions and brave," and " I have no doubt of liis adding to 
the honors he has ah*eady acquired." ^ Congress, notwith- 
standing the strong prejudice which some of the members 
entertained against Arnold, yielded to these repeated 
requests of Washington, and he was ordered to the north- 
ern frontier. 

Pleased with such an endorsement, which soothed his 
wounded pride, and flattered by being selected for the post 
of danger, Arnold instantly set forward, declaring he 
would serve under anybody or anywhere, so that he could 
serve his country, and that he would trust to the justict, of 
his claims for future reparation. How much Washington 
expected from him appears from a letter to General Heath, 
dated July 19, 1777: " I have sent General Arnold up to 
join Schuyler. * *^' I hope with Arnold's assistance, in 
whom the army, and militia particularly, have great confi- 
dence, matters will be put in a more forward train." "^ 

On the 16th of July, 1777, Washington writes to Schuy- 
ler from "The Clove:" 

" Upon my requisition, General Arnold, waiving for the present all dis- 
pute about rank, left Philadelphia, and arrived here last evening, and 
this day proceeds on his journey to join you. Although he conceives 
himself, if his promotion had been regular, as superior in command to 
General St. Clair, yet he generously, upon this occasion, lays aside his 
claim and will create no dispute, should the good of the service require 
him to act in concert. I need not enlarge upon the well-known activity, 
conduct and bravery of General Arnold. The proofs he has given of all 
these have gained the confidence of the public, and of the army — the 
Eastern troops in particular." ^ 

On the same day Washington, to encourage the officers 
of the militia, announced to tliem that their favorite, Gen- 
eral Arnold, was to command them. He addressed a letter 

" To the Brigadier Generals of Militia in the western parts of Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut,'' saying: "General Arnold, who is so well 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington. Vol. TV. p. 487. 
2 Mass. ms. Vol.. Vol. IV, p. 67. Heath Papers. 
3. Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 49S-9. 



148 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

known to you all, goes up at my request to take the command of the 
mUitia in particular, and I have no doubt but you will, under his conduct 
and direction, repel an enemy from your borders who has brought sav- 
ages with the avowed intent of adding murder to desolation." ^ 

Starting without delay from the camp of Washington 
and traveling rapidly, lie arrived in July at Fort Edward, 
and joined General Schuyler. The army was preparing to 
move a few miles down the Hudson and take a position 
near Moses Creek. The forces were divided into two divis- 
ions, one of which was put under the command of Arnold. 
Schuyler retreated to Stillwater, the British taking posses- 
sion of Fort Edward. While here, intelligence reached 
Arnold that the question of his rank had been brought up 
in Congress, and on the ayes and nays — then for the first 
time called in the Continental Congress — decided against 
him.'^ In the face of the letters of Washington to Con- 
gress in reference to Arnold, his military record, and his 
conduct in the present expedition, this action seems very 
strange and cruel. Indignant, mortified and wounded, he 
asked permission to resign, but by the persuasion of his 
old friend. General Schuyler, who represented to him the 
" absolute necessity " of his services at so critical a mo- 
ment, he, with a magnanimity and patriotism rivaling that 
of Schuyler himself, withdrew his request. He was yet, by 
his heroic services and by his blood, to extort from Con- 
gress the rank which in the judgment of Washington was 
so unjustly withheld.' Writing to Gates, then his friend, 

1. Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 500. 

It was at this time, while Arnold was the guest of Washington, and being 
" Brother Masons," they visited together a Masonic Lodge. They received a broth- 
erly welcome, and each signed his name on the records of the Lodge. The record 
is in existence, and the name of Washington stands, but some zealous patriot, in 
his hatred of his treason, has drawn black lines across the name of Arnold. How 
deplorable that Arnold should have caused the alienation of Washington— sepa- 
rating forever these " Brothers of the Mystic tie. ' 

2. Journal of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. S19. 

3. Washington to Lincoln, advising him that Arnold had been restored to his 
rank, says : " Arnold is restored to a violated right."~^pari-s' Writings of Washington, 
Vol. V, p. 217. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 149 

Arnold says, alluding to the action of Congress, " l^o pub- 
lic or private injury or insult shall prevail on me to Ibrsake 
the cause of my injured and oppressed country until I see 
peace and liberty restored to her, or nobly die in the at- 
tempt." * 

AVhile at Stillwater, intelligence reached Schuyler that 
St. Leger, accompanied by Sir John Johnson and the cele- 
brated Mohawk chief, Joseph Brant, in command of the 
Indians, had reached and closely invested Fort Schuyler. 
Peter Gansevoort, a brave, active, Hrra and determined offi- 
cer, was in command. When he heard of the approach of 
St. Leger and his Indian and tory allies, he appealed to 
Schuyler for aid, setting forth the dreadful condition of 
the inhabitants of Tryon County, if the fort should be 
taken, and the scattered and defenseless settlers given up 
to the cruelties and atrocities of the Indians. The garrison 
had been strengthened by Colonel Marin us Willett, a brave 
and skillful officer, from the city of ^ew York, with his 
regiment and provisions and military stores. 

St. Leo-er had arrived on the 3d of Auo-ust, and sur. 
rounding the fort with Indians, wdio, by their yells and war 
whoops, sought to intimidate the garrison, demanded a sur- 
render, which Ganesvoort peremptorily refused. Meanwhile, 
General Herkimer having heard that the enemy were 
approaching across Oneida Lake towards the valley, called 
on the militia of Tiyon county to rally to the rescue. They 
responded zealously, and from the scattered hamlets and 
settlements gathered in and met at Fort Dayton, on the 
German Flats in the Yalley of the Mohaw^k, and on the 
day when St. Leger invested Fort Schuyler, Herkimer was 
at Oriskany marching to its relief. 

The sister of the Mohawk chief sent word to him that 

1. Letter from Arnold to Gates, Aug. 5, 1777. Manuscript letter in Gates' papers, 
Vol. IX p. 42, in the New York Historical Society. 



150 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Herkimer was approacliin^, and this skillful warrior on con- 
sultation with Sir John Johnson and St. Leger, determined 
to go out and meet Herkimer, and in accordance with 
Indian modes of war, prepared an ambush for his destruc- 
tion. 

Herkimer, on the 5th of August, sent messengers appris- 
ing Ganesvoort of his approach, and requesting him to 
signal the arrival of the messengers by the rapid discharge 
of heavy guns, and that he should also make a sortie from 
the fort, thus co-operating with Herkimer, who would ad- 
vance at the sound of the guns, and fight his way to the 
garrison. 

The morning of the 6th came, and Herkimer waited im- 
patiently for the signal, but no guns were heard. The offi- 
cers of Herkimer, eager to go forward, pressed him to 
advance; but the brave, yet cautious old soldier, then sixty- 
four years of age, still waited for the signal. Some of his 
subordinates still urged him, and a quarrel ensued, in w^hich 
the officers called him a " tory and a coward," and at length 
provoked him to give orders for the advance. Herkimer's 
messengers had been delayed, and did not reach the fort 
until ten or eleven o'clock of the morning of the 6th. 
Most of the Indians and tories called "The Greens," had 
left their camp to intercept Herkimer. Ganesvoort had 
noticed the quiet in St. Leger's camp, and the arrival of 
Herkimer's messengers explained the ominous silence. The 
Indians and their allies had gone to waylay and ambush 
the Americans. Ganesvoort ordered Colonel Willett to 
sally out and co-operate with Herkimer. That officer (Her- 
kimer), at about mid-day, marching without much j)recau- 
tion through the defiles of the forest, was suddenly assailed 
on every side by Brant and his followers. The war-whoop 
of the Mohawks, the Senecas, tlie Onondagas, and of all 
the Six ]^ations except the Oneidas, resounded through the 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 151 

forests, and tliere now occurred one of the most bloody 
conflicts of the war. " The slaughter was dreadful." 

The Indians and their allies had arranged the ambush 
with great skill. Hiding in the forests, thej had formed 
nearly a circle, leaving an opening for Herkimer and his 
troops to enter, and when, unaware of danger, all had 
passed in except the rear-guard, which fled, the Indians 
closed the gap, shutting the trap, and then, with a yell that 
thrilled the hearts of the assailed, a thousand rifles blazed 
upon the surprised and doomed Americans. It seemed at 
first that the whole force would be annihilated, but many 
of these men w^ere accustomed to Indian warfare. Instantly 
seeking cover behind trees, those who survived the first 
onset fought with desperate valor. Herkimer, although 
his horse was shot dead under him, and his leg broken just 
below the knee by a musket ball, behaved with the greatest 
heroism. He ordered his saddle removed from his dead 
horse, and placed beneath a large beech tree, and seating 
himself upon the saddle, with his back against the tree, he 
continued to issue his orders, and animate his men to 
maintain the fight. After nearly an hour's hard fighting, 
and great slaughter on both sides, the enemy began to close 
in and concentrate upon the Americans; the " Greens " and 
" tory rangers " charging with the bayonet, the patri- 
ots forming themselves into circles and repulsing the 
charges. Thus the bloody work went on, with a fury and 
rancour which rarely was stayed for mercy or quarter, and 
was checked onlj^ when a clap of thunder silenced for a 
moment the crack of rifles and the yells and shouts of the 
combatants. This was followed by such a deluge of rain 
as instantly to render the fire-arms unserviceable. Both 
parties paused and sought shelter under the trees. During 
this pause the leaders were Inisy preparing to renew the 
conflict as soon as the rain should cease. AVhen the rain 



152 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

slackened tlie battle raged again Avitli undiminished fury. 
In' the midst of this conflict, guns were heard from the 
direction of Fort Schuyler ; it was the attack of Colonel 
Willett on the partially deserted camp of Sir John Johnson. 
AVillett captured a large quantity of clothing, stores, camp 
equipages, five British flags, and carried tliem into the 
Fort without the loss of a man. The Britisli flags were 
immediately run up on the flag-staflf and hung under the 
colors of the United States, a flag of stripes of red and 
w^hite, lately improvised and rudely made up from the gar- 
ments of the soldiers and their wives. The firing from the 
direction of the Fort caused the Indians to falter, and they 
soon gave way and fied in all directions. This bloody 
battle, known as the "Battle of Oriskany," was, in propor- 
tion to the numbers engaged, one of the most destructive 
during the war. It was not a decisive victory for either 
party. The Americans remained in possession of the field, 
but the conflict did not relieve Fort Schuyler ; the British 
and Indian forces returning to the siege, so closely invested 
it that no reliable information of the battle reached Ganse- 
voort. The gallant Herkimer was taken to his home near 
the Little Falls, on the Mohawk, and died a few days after 
the battle. His name has been appropriately given to the 
village and county of his residence, where his memory is 
still cherished. 

St. Leger claimed a victory at Oriskany, and again de- 
manded a surrender of the fort, declaring to Ganesvoort 
that nothing could save the garrison from massacre by his 
savage allies but immediate surrender. Ganesvoort indig- 
nantly refused, and determined to hold out to the last ex- 
tremity. He dispatched Colonel Willett, with Lieutenant 
Stockwell as guide, to General Schuyler for relief. At night, 
in the midst of a violent storm, they left the fort; crossing 
the Mohawk upon a log, and crawling upon their hands and 



► 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 153 

knees, they passed the line of sentinels undiscovered, and 
after many hardships, on the 12th of Angnst reached the 
headquarters of General Schuyler.' He had already heard 
of the battle, and was devising means for the succor of 
Gansevoort. He fully appreciated the suiferings which 
would follow the fall of Fort Schuyler. He knew that the 
tomahawk, the scalping knife and the midnight torch, 
would desolate, scatter and destro}'- the patriot settlements 
all along the Yalley of the Mohawk, and through Trvon 
county, and that the victorious Indians and tories, flushed 
with success, would come down ^' like an avalanche " upon 
Schenectady and Albany, and swell the apj^roaching army 
of Burgoyne. 

Arnold, writing to Gates, says : 

"These infernal savages, painted like furies, are continually liarrassing 
and scalping our people, and the miserable, defenceless inhabitants. 
Whole families of the latter have been inhumanly butchered, without dis- 
tinction of age or sex; and some (I am credibly informed) have been 
roasted alive in the presence of the polite and humane British army. 
* * * This is the protection many poor deluded wretches have ex- 
perienced from the British arms, who remained quietlj' in their homes, 
agreeably to General Burgoyne 's proclamation." ^ 

Schuyler, therefore, from motives alike of compassion for 
the settlers who appealed to him as to a father for pro- 
tection, as also for military reasons, determined to relieve 
the beleaguered garrison. He called a council of war, and 
j^roposed to the officers assembled, to send a detachment up 
the Mohawk. Most of the officei-s, except Arnold, opposed 
this proposition, on the ground that the entire army was 
already too weak to resist Burgoyne. 

Schuyler became very muck excited by their opposition. 
Walking rapidly up and down the council room, and 
smoking vehemently, he overheard some one say, "A^ 
means to weaken the army ! ^^ He had been charged with 

1. Lossing'sPict. Hist, of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 250. 

2. From Gates' Papers, Vol. IX, p. 42, in New York Historical Society. 



154 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARjS^OLD. 

cowardice, and even with treason, by his prejudiced ene- 
mies. Crushing into fragments Avith his teeth the cla)- 
pipe which he was smoking, he paused, raised his head, 
and looking over the group of officers, said with dignity: 
'^ Gentlemen, I shall take the responsibility upon myself; 
Fort Stanwix and the Mohawk Yalley shall be saved!! 
Where is the Brii^adier who will command the relief? I 
shall beat up for volunteers to-morrow." Arnold, though a 
Major- General, and second in command, indignant that his 
friend should be so wronged, instantly volunteered. Im- 
pulsive, ever ready for deeds of daring, knowing how false 
and cruel were the imputations cast upon Schuyler, he at 
once offered his services, and they were most gratefully ac- 
cej)ted. On the next morning the drums were beating 
through the camp for volunteers, and it was announced that 
Major-General Arnold had offered to lead them, and before 
noon eight hundred men had volunteered to follow him to 
the rescue of Gansevoort. Schuyler, giving Arnold his in- 
structions, says: ''It gives me great satisfaction that you 
have offered to go and conduct the military expedition in 
Try on County." ^ 

Many of Arnold's volunteers were of the brigade under 
General Learned, some of which liad already been sent by 
Schuyler into the valley of the Mohawk. 

Washington, writing to Schuyler August 21st, say^ : 
" If the militia keep up their spirits -^ ^ * they will, 
with the reinforcements under General Arnold, be enabled 
to raise the siege of Fort Schuyler, wdiich will be a most 
important matter just at this time." ^ 

With such portion of his troops as could move rapidly, 
Arnold pushed on with his usual energy to Fort Dayton, 
on the German Flats, arriving on the 20th of August. On 

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 288. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 37, and Carringtou's Battles, p. S25. 



► 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 155 

t]ie 21st lie called a council of war, consistin<j of Brio-adier- 
General Learned and tlie six Colonels who commanded the 
regiments which constituted his command. By a friendly 
Oneida Indian, corroborated by Colonel Willett, the coun- 
cil was informed that the force before Fort Schuyler was 
not less than seventeen hundred men, besides tories, while 
the force under Arnold was only nine hundred and thirty- 
three. Under the circumstances, the council resolved that 
it would be "imprudent" and "too hazardous" to attempt 
the relief of Fort Schuyler until reinforcements had ar- 
rived. ^ 

1, The following is a copy of the proceedings of the council, from Gates' papers 
in manuscript, Vol. IX. p. 70, in New York Historical Society : 

"At a council of war held at Fort Dayton, German Flats, August 21st, 1777, present : 
The Honorable Major-General Arnold, President; the Honorable Brigadier-General 
Learned, Col. Bailey, Col. Livingston, Col. Wesson, Lt. Col. Van Dyck, Lt. Col, 
Brooks, Lt. Col. Willett, members. 

" The General informed the council that previous to his leaving Albany, Gen- 
Schuyler had sent a belt and message to the Oneidas to meet at Albany, and had 
intrusted him (Gen. Arnold) to engage as many of them as possible in our service, 
and had furnished him with some presents for them, in consequence of which he 
had dispatched a messenger to them, requesting they would meet him at the German 
Flats ; as yesterday they did not arrive, he had given orders for the army to march 
for Fort Schuyler this morning, since which a deputation from the Oneidas and 
Tuscaroras had arrived, acquainting him that the chief of both tribes with their 
families would be here the day after to-morrow, requesting a meeting with us ; one 
of the Oneidas who had lately been at the enemy's encampment, also informed that 
all the Six Nations, except the two tribes above mentioned, had joined the enemy, 
the whole with foreign Indians amounting to fifteen hundred, by the enemy's 
account. The Oneida, who is known to be a fast friend of ours, says, that from view- 
ing their encampment, he is fully convinced there is upwards of one thousand 
Indians, and from the best authority their other forces are near seven hundred, 
besides some tories who have joined them since their arrival. Col. Willett, who 
lately left the Fort, being present, is fully of opinion the above account is nearly 
true. 

"The General then acquainted the Council that by the returns delivered this 
morning, our whole lorce, rank and file, efl^ectives, are nine hundred and thirty- 
three, and tliirteen artillery men, exclusive of a few militia, the whole not exceed- 
ing one hundred, on whom little dependence can be placed; at the same time re- 
quests the opinion of the Council whether it was prudent to march with the 
present force and endeavor to raise the siege of Fort Schuyler, or to remain at this 
place until a reinforcement can be solicited from below, and more of the militia 
turned out to join us, and until the Oneidas had determined if they would join us, 
of which they give encouragement. 

''Resolved, That in the opinion of this Council, our force is not equal to that of the 



156 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Higli-souncling proclamations had been issued early in 
the campaign by both Burgoyne and St. Leger, and that of 
St. Leger had been signed also by Sir Jolm Johnson and 
others, holding out inducements to the inhabitants to join 
the royal cause, and containing fearful threats against those 
who should refuse. 

Learning that these proclamations had had some influence 
upon the people, on his arrival at the German Flats, Arnold 
issued a counter-proclamation, modeled somewhat after 
those which had been issued on the other side. The sever- 
ity and plainness of his language may doubtless be attrib- 
uted in part to the Indian outrages, of which the murder 
of j)oor Jane McCrea, which had been lately perpetrated, 
M'as an instance. He denounced St. Leo^er's force as " a 

CD 

banditti of robbers, murderers and traitors, composed of 
savages of America, and more savage Britons." lie ofters 
^* all concerned pardon, provided within ten days they lay 
down their arms, sue for protection, and swear allegiance 
to the United States of America;" but declares if they 
" persist in their wicked career, determined to draw upon 
themselves the just vengeance of Heaven and of this exas- 
perated country, they must expect no mercy from either."* 

enemy, and that it would be imprudent and putting too much to the hazard to 
attempt to march to the relief of Fort Schuj-ler, until the army is reinforced ; the 
Council are of the opinion that an express ought immediately to be sent to Gen. 
Gates, requesting he will immediately send such a reinforcement to us as will 
enable us to march to the relief of the Fort, with a probability of succeeding, and 
that in the meantime the army remain at the German Flats, at least until an 
answer can be had from Gen. Gates, and that all possible method be taken to per- 
suade the militia and Indians to join us. 

"B. Arnold, President." 

1. The following is a copy of the proclamation : 

"By the Hon. Benedict Arnold, Esq., Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army of the United States of America, on the Mohawk River. 

" Whereas, a certain Barry St. Leger, a British General in the service of the ■ 

George of Great Britain, at the head of a banditti of Robbers, Murderers and Trai- 
tors, composed of Savages of America and more savage Britons, among whom is a 
noted Sir John Johnson, John Butler and Daniel Glaus, have lately appeared on 
the frontiers of this State, and have threatened ruin and distruction to all the 
inhabitants of the United States. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 157 

Meanwhile, some of the garrison at Fort Schuyler, hear- 
ing nothing from Colonel AVillett, and seeing no signs of 
relief, began to consider whether it would not be wiser to 
save themselves from threatened massacre bj surrender; 
bat their determined commander resolved that if no succor 
reached him, when his provisions were exhausted he would 
march out some dark night with his troops, and cut his way 
through his besiegers, or die in the attempt. But tliis des- 
perate expedient was rendered unnecessary by the skill and 
strategy of Arnold. He had been detained a short time at 
Fort Dayton for supj^lies, baggage and ammunition, to over • 
take him, and for the "militia, who were now coming in in 
great numbers." ' He now sent w^ord to Gansevoort that 
he w^as coming. On the 22nd, having heard that St. Le- 
ger's approaches had reached very near the fort, notwitli- 
standing the supposed superiority in numbers on the j^art 
of St. Leger, and notwithstanding the resolutions of the 
council of war, that it w^ould be imprudent to attempt to 
relieve Fort Schuyler until reinforcements should arrive, he 
determined " to push forward and hazard a battle ratlier 
than see the garrison fall a sacrifice." ^ On the 21st of 
August he wrote to General Gates: "I leave this place 
(the German Flats) this morning with 1200 Continental 

" They have also, by artifice and misrepresentation, induced many of the ignorant 
and unwary subjects of these States to forfeit their allegiance to the same, and 
join them in their atrocious crimes and parties of treachery and parricide. Human- 
ity to these poor deluded wretches, who are hastening blindfold to destruction, 
induces me to offer them and all others concerned, whether savages, Germans, Amer- 
icans or Britons, pardon, provided thej'" do wi;hin ten days from the date hereof, 
come and lay down their arms, sue for protection, and swear allegiance to the 
United States of America. But if, still blind to their own safety, they obstinately 
persist in their wicked courses, determined to draw on themselves the just ven- 
geance of Heaven, and of this exasperated country, they must expect no mercy 
fromeither. 

"B. Arnold, Major-General. 

'• Given under my hand at Head Quarters, German Flats, 20th of August, 1777." 

—Gates' Papers, N. Y. His. Society. 

1. Letter from Arnold to Gansevoort, Aug. 22, 177/. 

2, Stone's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 212. 



I 



158 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

troops and a liandful of militia, for Fort Sclmjler, still be- 
sieged by a number eqnal to ours. You will hear of mj 
being victorious or no more. * "^ As soon as the safety 
of this part of the country will permit I will fly to your 
assistance." On the 23d he wrote again to Gates, inclosing 
copy of the proceedings of the council of war, and say- 
in o- that he had determined to hazard a battle rather than 
suifer the garrison to fall a sacrifice, and that he was 
marching for Fort Schuyler." ' 

On the morning of the 23d he was making a forced 
march up the Mowhawk with a part of his force, and 
had proceeded about ten miles from his camp when he met 
an express from Gansevoort announcing that the siege had 



1. The following is the text of his letter: 

R, 

^\ug't 23, 1777, 5 O'clock P. M. 



"Mowhawk River, 10 Miles Above Fort Dayton, ) 



D EAR General : 

" I wrote you the 2Ist Inst, from the German Flatts, that from, the best intelligence 
I could procure of the Enemy's strength, it was much superior to Ours ; at same time 
Inclosed you Coppy of the resolutions of a Council of Warr, and requested you to 
send me a reinforcement of One thousand Light Troops. As the Enemy had made 
their approaches within Two hundred yards of the Fort. I was determined at all 
events to hazard a Battle rather than suffer the Garrison to fall asacrifise ; this morn- 
ing I marched from the G. Flatts for this place ; the excessive bad roads and necessary 
precautions in Marching thro' a thick wood retarded us so much that we have but 
this moment reached this place, where I have met an Express with the Inclosed 
Letter from Colo. Gansevoort, acquaints me the Enemy had yesterday retired from 
Fort Schuyler with great precipitation: I am at a loss to Judge of their real in- 
t ntions; whether they have returned home or retired with a view of engaging 
us on the road ; I am inclined to the former from the acco't of the Deserters, 
and from their leaving their Tents and considerable Baggage, which our people 
have secured. 

"I shall immediately Detail Abt. Nine hundred Men and make a forced March to 
the fort in hopes of coming up with their rear, and secuiing their Cannon and 
heavy Baggage. 

"My Artillery, Tents, &c., &c., I shall leave here; the Batteaus with Provisions fol- 
low me. As soon as the security of the Post will Permit, I will return with as 
many Men as can be spared. As I come down in Batteaus, shall be able to make 
great dispatch. 

" I have sent an Order for the Light Troops if you have sent any, to return to you 
immediately, and the Militia to go home. 

" I am, Dear General, Your Affectionate, " Obed., Hble. Srvt., 

" B. Arnold. 
"Honble. Major-General Gates." 

—Gates Papers, Vol. IX, p. 90, N. Y. Hid. Society. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 159 

been raised. Gansevoort did not at first understand it, bnt 
Arnold grimly smiled at the success of a Ruse De Guerre^ 
which he had practiced. It was this : His troops had 
captured a Mohawk Dutchman named Hon Yost Schuyler 
or Cuyler, whose residence was near the Little Falls. In 
compan}^ with Lieutenant Butler and some others, lie had 
been arrested within the American lines at a public meet- 
ing at which Butler, making a speech, was endeavoring 
to persuade the people to join the Eoyal cause. The parties 
so taken were tried by court-martial as spies, and both 
Butler and HonYost convicted and sentenced to death. 
Hon Yost is said to have been a singular combination of 
cunning and shrewdness in some things, with a want of 
sense approaching idiocy in others ; so that the Indians on the 
Mohawk regarded him as one stricken by the Great Spirit. 
They regarded him with the mysterious respect and wonder 
mingled with awe, with which the red man regards the 
insane and the idiot. Those thus stricken by the Great 
Spirit they always treat with a certain respect. Living 
much with the Indians, HonYost had joined the tories. 
His aged mother and his brother Jiearing that he 
was a prisoner and had been sentenced to be hung, 
hastened to Arnold at Fort Dayton, and implored him 
to spare his life. It is a touching trait of a mother's love 
that her devotion to her child, so unhappy as to be phys- 
ically a cripple, or mentally defective, is greater than that 
for her more fortunate children not thus afflicted. The 
mother of poor HonYost was not an exception, and the 
touching pathos and eloquence with which she plead for 
the life of her afflicted son, are told to this day in the legends 
of the Mohawk Yalley. ^ Arnold for a time affected to be 
firm against all her pleadings, but finally said that he would 
spare the prisoner's life on one condition. Knowing how 
HonYost was regarded by the Indians, Arnold proposed 

1. stone's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 213. 



160 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD, 

that lie should hasten to the cainp of St. Leger, and alarm 
the besiegers by the report of Arnold's near and rapid 
approach with overwhelming numbers, and thus raise 
the siege. If Hon Yost accomplished this, his life 
should be spared. He and his mother gladly accepted 
the proposal, and she offered herself as a hostage for his 
good faith. This Arnold declined, but insisted that his 
brother ^Nicholas should be retained as such hostage, know- 
ins* that while he held him he had all the security which 
the influence of both mother and brother could give in favor 
of the good faith of the prisoner. This was assented to, 
and Nicholas went into the prison in place of his brother, 
pledging his life for Hon Yost's fidelity. 

An arrangement was also made with an Oneida Indian 
to aid in the experiment. Before they started several bul- 
lets were shot through the coat of the Dutchman, to give 
color and probability to the story that, a prisoner, he had 
escaped at the hazard of his life. 

Thus prepared, he and the Oneida started, it being ar- 
ranged that the Indian, as he approached the camp of St. 
Leger, was to separate from his companion and go in alone, 
corroborating the Dutchman in his story of the vast num- 
bers who were approaching, and thus aid in creating a 
panic. 

The Indians in St. Leger's camp were already impatient 
to get away; they had suffered severely in the battle of 
Oriskan}^; they had been disappointed in the success and 
plunder they had anticipated; and rumors of Arnold's ap- 
proach had already reached them. It is said they had met 
and were in council to consult the Manitou as to their 
future movements, when at the very moment HonYost, 
the mysterious and Manitou-stricken one, was suddenly 
brought before the council. He was cunnijig, and liis life 
and that of his brother, as he believed, depended on liis 
success. 



niS PATRIOTIS:\I AXD HIS TEEASOX. IGl 

Exhibiting liis garments riddled with bullets, he declared 
he had barely escaped death from the apjn-oaching foe, and 
liad hastened on to tell his red brethren of the comino- 
enemy and of their danger. The chief inquired the num- 
ber of Arnold's troops and he pointed to the leaves of the 
trees. He was taken to the tent of St. Leger, and repeated 
his story, cunningly mixing truth and falsehood ; he gave 
St. Leger an account of his capture with Lieutenant Butler, 
of which that officer had already heard, then of his trial 
and condemnation. He said on his wav to the gallows, 
knowing he could but die in the attempt, he had made his 
escape ; a whole volley had been fired at him, but fortu- 
nately the balls had passed through his clothes without 
wounding him. By this time the Oneida arrived in the 
camp bringing a belt, and told the Indians that the Ameri- 
cans were approaching in great numbers under their war- 
chief Arnold; that they did not wish to fight the Indians, 
but wxre determined to destroy the Bj-itish trooj^s, tories, 
rangers and Greens. 

These stories had the desired effect; the Indians prepared 
to leave. St. Leger tried in vain to induce them to remain. 
The tales started by HonYost, corroborated by the Oneida, 
flew throughout the camp, a panic arose, and the whole 
body of the Indians fled. The tories and troops followed, 
and a rumor reaching them that Arnold was just behind 
them, they threw away their knapsacks, arms, and whatever 
would encumber their flight. Perha23S Curtis was some- 
what extravagant in saying that "Arnold, volunteering to- 
relieve Fort Stanwix, had bv the mere terror of his coming 
blown St. Leger away." ^ Yet it is clear that there was at 
that time no name among the American officers whose ap- 
proach would be more likely to produce such a result than 
his. HonYost, after going with the flying Indians a short 

1. €en(ennial Address of Geo. W. Cur is at Bemis' Heights, Oct. 7, 1877. 
11 



162 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

distance, fell beliind and returned to Fort Schnjler, and 
irave Gansevoort tlie first information he had that Arnold 
was approaching by forced marches/ 

Then he hastened back to Arnold, his brother Nicholas 
was set at liberty, and the old mother returned liome joy- 
fully with both her sons. 

Arnold pushed on to Fort Schuyler, hoj)ing to overtake 
and capture the fugitives. He was received with a salute 
of artillery, and the cheers of the brave garrison. Ganse- 
voort had followed the retreating St. Leger, but so precipi- 
tate had been his flight, that he could not be overtaken, but 
his tents, artillery, provisions, and camp equipage fell into 
the hands of the Americans. Thus ended the siege of Fort 
Schuyler, and thus, through the efforts of Herkimer, Wil- 
lett, Gansevoort and Arnold, the right arm of Burgoyne's 
expedition, from which so much had been expected, was 
lopped off, and the British commander's reliance for aid 
and co-operation from St. Leger and his powerful Indian and 
tory allies, in all the Mohawk Yalley and west to Lake 
Ontario, was destroyed. It was a hard blow for Burgoyne, 
and contributed largely to his final overthrow. Arnold 
returned in triumph to the main army on the Hudson, 
receiving as he passed, tlie thanks of the settlers, whose 
homes and families his success had rendered safe. 

1. " FoET Schuyler, 22nd August, 1777. 
" Dear Sir: 

" This morning at 11 o'clock I be?an a Heavy Canonade upon our Enemies' 
Works, which was immediately returned by a Number of Shells and Cannon. About 
3 O'clock several Deserters came in, who informed me that General St. Leger wita 
his Army Avas retreating with the utmost precipitation ; soon after which I sent out 
a party of About Sixty Men to enter their camps, who soon returned and confirmed 
the above Accounts. 

" About 7 O'clock this Evening, Hon Yost Schuj^er Arrived here and informed 
me that General Arnold, with Two Thousand Men, were on their March for this 
Post, in Consequence of which I send you this information. 
" I am, Dr. Sir, yours, &c., 

" Peter Gansevoort, Colo. 
" To the Hon'ble General Arnold, 
or Officer Commanding 
the Army on their March to Fort Schuyler. 

" pr. favour of"! 

Serj't Myres," j —Gates' Papers, Vol. IX, p. 75, in K. Y. His. Soc. 



CHAPTEE IX. 

FIRST BATTLE NEAR SARATOGA. 

" But for Arnold that eventful day, Burgoyne would doubtless have marched into 
Albany at the autumnal equinox, a victor." — Lossing. 

Battle of 19th of September— Arnold Leads the Troops to Victory— Error 
OF Bancroft— Testimony of Cols, Varick and Livingston, Generals Schuy- 
ler, Burgoyne, and others— Verdict of Irving, Lossing, and others. 

The decisive campaign of the American Revolution 
approached its crisis. The battles of Saratoga, resulting 
in Burgoyne's surrender, have been selected by a distin- 
guished English historian^ as the conflict in American his- 
tory to be ranked among the fifteen great battles of the 
world. 

Arnold returned from his successful expedition up the 
Mohawk in high spirits. He had been absent twenty days, 
and had succeeded without loss, in raising the siege of 
Fort Schuyler, dispersing tlie Indians and tories, and driv- 
ins: St. Leo-er back to the Lakes. 

!Now he arrived in the camp of the main army, sanguine 
of success, full of zeal, and impatient for the approaching 
conflict. His sagacious military eye perceived that Bur- 
goyne, the brave and chivalric soldier, and the courtly gen- 
tleman, with his small but magnificently appointed army, 
was doomed to defeat and capture. 

Eager for military glory, still young and full of hope, and 

1. Creasy. 

(163) 



164 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

yet proudly and bitterly recalling the refusal of Congress 
to give him the rank which Washington thought he had so 
well earned, he was determined to connect his name with 
the approaching conflict. Many an English sailor and 
soldier besides Nelson, has gone into battle with the senti- 
ment, "Victory, or Westminster Abbey." 

Arnold's desperate valor and reckless personal exposure 
in both the battles which resulted in the surrender of Bur- 
goyne, indicate that with him it was a fixed determination 
to extort from Congress his proper rank, or die on the field. 

Two events had occurred while he had been absent on the 
Mohawk, both of great importance to his country, and one 
influencing largely, perhaps fatally, his own future, the de- 
feat and capture of Colonel Baum, near Bennington, and 
the change in the command of the army from Schuyler to 
Gates. 

Burgoyne, suffering for provisions himself, learned that 
there had been collected at Bennington a depot of beef, 
corn and other needed supplies intended for the American 
army. Bennington was about twenty miles from the Hud- 
son, and was guarded by militia only, and Burgoyne, in 
need of these very supplies, hoped to surprise Bennington 
and capture the stores. He ordered Colonel Baum w^ith 
about five hundred men, to march to Bennington for that 
purpose, and soon after sent Lt.-Colonel Breyman to Bat- 
ten-kill to be within supporting distance, as he supposed, 
of Baum. 

The approach of the British was discovered by Colonel 
Stark at Bennington, and he immediately called on Colonel 
Warner at Manchester, to hasten to his aid. At the same 
time he appealed to the militia and yeomanry of the sur- 
rounding country to rally to his assistance, and he soon 
found himself at the head of a force considerably outnum- 
bering that of Baum, and he determined to attack. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 165 

On the sixteentli of August, after a severe battle, in 
which Stark and his men behaved with great courage, Col- 
olonel Baum and his whole force were compelled to sur- 
render. 

Brejman came up while the Americans were collecting 
the spoils of victory, and for a moment threatened to turn 
the tide of success against them; but Colonel Warner, arriv- 
ing at the critical moment, drove the enemy from the field, 
and pursued tiiem over hills and through forests, until 
night put an end to the conflict, capturing guns and baggage. 
At daylight, on the morning of the seventeenth of August, 
Burgoyne was awakened by the tidings that Baum was 
killed, and that his command were all prisoners, and that 
Breyman was struggling to make good his retreat to the 
main army. 

While Arnold had been absent, Schuyler occupied the 
islands at the fords of the Mohawk, w^iere it empties into 
the Hudson. He had been making every effort in his power 
to gather together the means of successfully repelling the 
menacing enemy. Many of the members of Congress 
from Kew England entertained strong prejudice against 
Schuyler, and were very slow to recognize his noble charac- 
ter and sterling virtues. 

On the nineteenth of August Gates arrived in camp, and 
by command of Congress (Washington declining to make 
the ungrateful selection), superseded Schuyler in command 
of the northern army. IS^othing could be more magnani- 
mous and patriotic than the conduct of Schuyler on the exe- 
cution of this cruel order. He had prepared the means of 
victory, and now when the hour of triumpli approached, 
an intriguer, who, Bancroft declares, "had no fitness for 
command, and wanted personal courage," ^ was placed at 
the head of this army which Schuyler had contributed so 

1. Bancroft, Vol. IX, p. 407. 



166 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

largely to raise, and he was now about to gather the laurels 
which Schuyler was prepared to win; but such was the 
j)atriotism and generosity of Schuyler, that he manifested 
no resentment, and did everything in his power to contrib- 
ute to the success of his unworthy rival. 

It will be remembered that in the campaign of 1776, 
Gates and Arnold had been very intimate, but the careful 
reader of the correspondence between them, and between 
Schuyler and Arnold, will observe that while there is 
familiarity between Gates and Arnold, there is in the 
letters of Arnold to Schuyler a tone of respect not to be 
discerned in the letters to Gates. Still there was as yet no 
coldness on the part of Arnold towards Gates. So far from 
it, he says, writing to Gates from the German Flats, "as 
soon as the safety of this part of the country will permit, I 
will fly to your assistance." ^ 

Arnold was now with the main body, ready to assist and 
co-operate with Gates to the utmost. The left wing of the 
army was at Loudon's Ferry, on the south bank of the Mo- 
hawk, &Ye miles above its junction with the Hudson. Two 
brigades and Morgan's famed riflemen w^ere there. Soon 
after Arnold's arrival in camp the entire army was concen- 
trated on and near Bemis' Heights, Arnold commanding 
the left wing, composed of the same troops which had been 
at Loudon's Ferry. 

The British were approaching, and Gates was about to 
throw his army across Burgoyne's path, and intercept his 
march towards Albany. It was deemed important to select 
with care the best position to check such advance and re- 
ceive the attack. Arnold therefore, says Irving, " recon- 
noitered the neighborhood in company with Kosciusko, the 
Polish engineer, in quest of a good camping ground, and 

1. living's Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 196. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 167 

at length fixed upon a ridge of liills called Bern is' Heights, 
which Kosciusko proceeded to fortify." ^ 

During the few days which preceded the battle of the 
nineteenth of September, Arnold continually annoyed the 
enemy by skirmishing and attacking the parties engaged 
in repairing roads and bridges.^ A German officer says: 
" We had to do the enemy the honor of sending out whole 
regiments to protect our workmen." 

'' It was Arnold," says Irving, " who provoked this 
honor. At the head of fifteen hundred men he skirmished 
with the superior force sent out against him." ^ * 

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 239. 

2. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. 11, p. 345. 

3. Irving's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 242. 

4. Manuscript letter of Vol. Variek to Schuyler, Sept. 15, 1777, as follows: 

" Head Qut's, Sept. 15th, 1777. 
"Dear General:— Yesterday Afternoon 1 had the pleasure of attending General 
Arnold on a Reconnoitering party, to pick out Ground for a New Camp. We took 
our Departure in Company with Mr. Lansing, Col. Chris. Yates, and three light 
Horse, all along the heights on the West of the River, up Hill and down Dale, till 
we came to Sword's House, where we fell in with Colo. Morgan's Party of Riflemen 
and Infantry, and the Genl's Aids, and took the road along the river till we 
reached the House on this side Blind Morris— here the troops were halted, and 
Livingston, wiih Lansing and two horse, advanced till they should discover some 
person or movement of the enemy ; agreable to orders they advanced till near 
Colo. Van Vechten, and were followed by the Genl's Aids, and there discovered a 
party supposed to be the advanced picket of the enemy, of about 100, on the Hill 
North of Van Vechten. I went In pursuit of the "ioung Gentlemen as far as 
the Bridge between the Hill and the Bridge at Colo. Van Vechten's, where I met 
them on their return. I found the Bridge in the same Plight in which our Army 
left it on their retreat from Saratoga. 

" The enemy discovered our party, and we had a fair prospect of them from the 
hill beyond Morris on the banks of the Dove-Gat— they appeared to be parading 
without the beat of drums. 

" On our return we were in hopes of the Genl's ordering a party to attack them, 
but it being near Evening, the Gen'l tho't more prudent to return. When we re- 
turned at we heard our Evening Gun, but none from the Enemy. 

" Upon the whole it is supposed that Burgoyne will advance this Avay and attack 
us. It may be that this manouvre of his is to cover the Retreat of his Cannon and 
baggage ; however it is hardly probable. On my Return I am honored with your 
polite favor of the 14th, for which I am much obliged to you. I suppose bj'- this 
time you have rec'd tAvo of my letters of the 13th, giving you an account of Colo. 
Wilkinson's Expedition. 

"I most sanguinely expected to have been at Saratoga by this day, but am much 
disappointed, and am now convinced that no Carriages cau pass the Road in less 



168 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD. 

ITe was generally successful, and took many prisoners, 
and thus encouraged and animated the troops. 

At this time there began to appear a coolness on the part 
of General Gates towards General Arnold. Gates having 
succeeded in his intrigue against Schuyler, was already 
dreaming of superseding Washington himself.^ AFashing- 
ton's kindness to Arnold, his efforts with Congress for his 
promotion, and for the restoration of his proper rank, were 
well known; and Gates naturally and rightly assumed that 
Arnold could not be induced to become a partisan of his 
against the Commander-in-Chief? Besides, Arnold was 
known to be a friend of Schuyler, Colonel Henry Brock- 
hoist Livingston, who had been on the staff, and Colonel 
Yarick, the Secretary of General Schuyler, when their chief 
left for Albany remained in camp, and the former was now 
acting as aid to General Arnold.^ 

than two or 3 days. As soon as I am happy Enough to get there, I shall cheerfully 
comply with your requests, and prevent any injury being done to your buildings 
and fences as far as my influence with the Genl. and other Gentlemen will extend. 
1 have no doubt of Gen. Gates complying with the request. 

"Gen. Arnold is this day gone out with a large party. I don't know his inten- 
tions; probably to try the east side of the river, as he seemed very desirous to have 
a prospect of the enemies' camp from the high hill on tliat side. If he proceeds on 
this side, he may fall in with some of the Enemy. 

" We found no height yesterday large enough for our camp. 

"Mr. Lansing and Livingston join in their respects to you. Be good enough to 

make them to Mrs. Schuyler and Miss Peggy. I am much obliged to them for their 

good wishes. 

*' I am, with every respectful, 

"faithful sentiment, 
" Your most obliged, 

" Richard Yarick. 
" To the Hon. M. Genl., 

" Schuyler." 
The Schuyler papers. This and other letters quoted from the Schuyler manu- 
scripts are now, for the first time, printed in full. These Schuyler papers are of 
great historic value. 

1. " He (Gates) aspired to the chief command of the continental armies, indulged 
in the egotistical idea that he knew better how to move them than did the Virgin- 
ian General, and that the New England delegates would support him in such pre- 
posterous claims.' —Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 182. 

2. The scheme to supersede Washington by Gates "originated with three men," 
Conway, Gates and Mifllin, the latter one of the junior Brigadiers, who had been 
promoted over Arnold.— Spa/-A:'.s Writings of Washington, Vol. V, pp. '<idO and iSi. ^ 

3. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 341. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 169 

Yarick was also much of the time with Arnold, and 
these young officers, known to be in the confidence of Schuy- 
ler, excited the jealousy of Gates. 

Livingston writes to Schuyler on the twenty-third of 
September, after the quarrel between Gates and Arnold had 
become open and notorious, " the reason for the present dis- 
agreement between tioo old cronies^ is 8iini?ly this: Arnold 
is your friend.''^ ^ 

Yarick, writing to Schuyler on the 22nd of September? 
says: " He (Arnold) has the full confidence of the troops 
and they would fight gallantly under him." ^ 

Having stated these circumstances, I now proceed to de- 
tail the events of the nineteenth of September: 

The army was at Bemis' Heights. The camp, which had 
been, as before stated, carefully selected by Arnold, and 
fortified by Kosciusko, was situated on tlie west bank of 
the Hudson, and extending from the margin of the stream 
across a narrow flat, and then across a ridge of hills called 
Bemis' Heights, and thence on to other hills still farther 
west. Kosciusko had caused breastworks to be thrown up 
in front three-quarters of a mile long, with a strong bat- 
tery at each end and one in the center; on the right across 
the low ground near the river, an entrenchment was thrown 
up, and on the bank was a strong battery protecting a float- 
ing bridge wdiich crossed the river. On the morning of 
the eighteenth, Burgoyne moved dowm within two miles of 
the American camp, and prepared for battle. He was sur- 
rounded by a brilliant array of distinguished officers — Ma- 
jor-General Philips, Generals Fraser, Hamilton and Pow- 
ell, and the German General, Piedesel, the Earl of Balcar- 
ras, Colonel Breyman, IMajor Ackland — all officers of great 
merit and distinction. 

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351. 

2, Schuyler papers.— MSS. 



170 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

Gates' head-quarters were some distance sontli of the line 
of breastworks, and behind Bemis' Heights; Arnold's were 
north and west of Gates' quarters, and west of the line of 
breastworks. 

The morning of the nineteenth the sun rose bright, and 
the air was clear and bracing; a hoar frost whitened the 
ground. The hostile armies now confronting each other, 
were so near that the morning gun and drum-beat of each 
could be distinctly heard by the other. Each army extended 
from the bank of the river westward over the hills. The 
right wing of the Americans, under the immediate com- 
mand of Gates, and composed of Glover's, I^ixon's and 
Patterson's brigades, occupied the hills near the river and 
the flats on its margin. 

The left, under the command of Arnold, consisting of 
Poor's brigade, made up of Cilleys', Scammel's and Hales' 
]^ew Hampshire troops, and Yan Courtland's and James 
Livingston's Kew York regiments, the Connecticut militia, 
Morgan's riflemen and Dearborn's infantry.^ These Avere 
posted on the liills, three-quarters of a mile west of the 
river. The center was composed of Learned's brigade, of 
Massachusetts, and New York troops. 

The left wing of the British, with the very powerful train 
of artillery, rested on the flats near the river; the center 
and right wing composed largely of German troops, ex- 
tended west on the hills, and were commanded by Burgyone 
in person, and with them were Fraser and Breyman with the 
light infantry. The front and flanks were covered by the 
Indians, Canadians and Loyalists. 

Philips and Piedesel were to march down the road on the 
bank of the river. The Canadians and Indians were 
to attack the outposts of the Americans, wdiile Burgoyne 
and Fraser, with the grenadiers and light infantry, were to 

1. living's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 241. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TEEASON. 171 

marcli through tlie forests behind the hills, and assault the 
left flank and rear of the Americans. As most of the 
ground was covered with a dense forest, the movements were 
to be regulated by signal-guns. When Burgyone and Eraser 
had effected a junction, three heavy guns were to be lired 
as a signal for an attack on the flank and rear of the Ameri- 
can left, and for a general assault along the whole line. 
American lookouts were stationed in the tops of trees on 
high ground, and the unusual activity in the British camp 
was soon reported to the American officers. The glitter of 
moving arms, the bright scarlet uniforms, and the moving 
of flags, indicating that the enemy was forming his line of 
battle, were observed and reported at the headquarters of 
Arnold and Gates, and at ten A. M. it was announced that 
the British were coming, moving down in three divisions. 
Philips and Riedesel with the artillerj^, were marching down 
the river road ; Burgoyne with the center followed the 
stream now forming Wilbur's Basin, south and west ; and 
Fraser and Breyman started on their circuitous route to 
reach the flank and rear of the American left. 

Arnold, watchful and eager for the fight, to whom these 
movements were known, was anxious to go out and meet 
the enemy. " Gates," says Lossing, " gave no orders and 
evinced no disposition to fight.'' ^ His officers were impa- 
tient. Arnold " urged, begged and entreated " ^ permission 
to lead his troops to the attack, and at length he obtained 
permission to send Morgan's riflemen and Dearborn's in- 
fantry out to meet the enemy. 

They soon met the Canadians and Indians and dispersed 
them. Following their advantage with too much eagerness, 
they became scattered, and a strong reinforcement of the 
enemy coming up, they were obliged to fall back, and the 

1. Lossing's Schuyler, "Vol. II, p. 344. 

2. Colonel Varick. Letter quoted hereafter. 



172 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

brave partisan, Morgan, for a moment tlioiiglit Lis renowned 
corjDS was "ruined;" but sounding loudly his shrill wood- 
man's whistle — known to them as the "turkey call" — the 
riflemen gathered around their chief, and the regiments of 
Scammel and Cilley coming up, the fight was kept up with 
equal fury. Meantime Burgoyne and Fraser were moving 
rapidly to fall on the front and flank of the American left. 
The center under Burgoyne reached a clearing called Free- 
man's farm, while Fraser, farther west, marched rapidly 
south, hoping to turn the American left. Arnold at the 
same time attempted to cut Fraser off' from his connection 
Avith Burgoyne. Arnold and Fraser met about sixty yards 
west of Freeman's cottage,' and a bloody conflict ensued. 
^* Arnold led the van of his men and fell upon the foe with 
the fury and impetuosity of a tiger. By voice and action 
he encouraged his troops.'"^ 

He was met by overwhelming numbers. Fraser rapidly 
turned and attacked Arnold's rigiit. Arnold rallied his 
troops, and being reinforced, and now leading the regiments 
of Cilley and Scammel, and Dearborn, Hale and Brooks, 
attempted to break through the British lines and separate 
Fraser from the center. " He made a rapid counter-march, 
and his movements being masked by the wood, suddenly 
attempted to turn Fraser's left." Here he thresv himself 
upon it with a boldness and impetuosity which threatened 
to cut the wings of the army asunder. ^ But the grenadiers 
and Breyman's riflemen hastened to its support, and Gen- 
eral Philips, hurrying through the thick woods and over 
the hills, came hastening up from the extreme left, and just 
at the moment when victory seemed to be crowning the 
efforts of the Americans. 

1. Lossing's Field Book, Vol. I, p. 52. 

2. Lossing's Field Book, Vol. I, p. 52. 

3. living's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 244. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 173 

I^ow Burgoyne, Fraser and Philips were leading and 
encouraging their forces, and Sergeant Lamb, a British 
writer, says: "For four hours a constant blaze of fire was 
kept up, and both armies seemed to be determined on deatli 
or victory." ^ Arnold had brought his whole division into 
action and called for re-enforcements, but they were refused. 
Lossing sa^'s: "Had he (Arnold) been seconded by his 
commander, and strengthened by re-enforcements ^^" ^'' 
he would doubtless have secured a complete victory." lie 
adds: " But for Arnold, on that eventful day, Burgoyne 
Avould doubtless have marched into Albany at the autum- 
nal equinox, a victor." ^ Night put an end to the conflict, 
which the British themselves declare to have been the most 
obstinate and hardly fought of any ever experienced in 
America. 

Arnold rode a grey horse during the conflict, and near 
night ( " evening," as AVilkinson says), went himself to 
the camp of Gates for re- enforcements. Wilkinson states 
the incident as follows:'' 

" Gates and Arnold were together in front of the camp. 
Major Lewis came in from the scene of action, and 
announced that its progress was undecisive. Arnold imme- 
diately exclaimed: 'By G — d! I will soon put an end to it ' 
— and clapping spurs to his horse galloped oflf at full speed. 
I was instantly dispatched by Gates after Arnold, overtook 
and ordered him back, lest he might do some ' rash act.' " 

Arnold having blackened by his treason the fame hith- 
erto so brilliant as a soldier, some historians* and writers 
have denied that he was on the battle-field of Saratoga 
at all! 

1. Lcssing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349. 

2. Losslng's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 348. 

3. Wilkinson's Memories, Vol. I, p. 245. 

4. Notably Bancroft. 



174 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Let ns inquire who led tlie American forces on this event- 
ful day; or was the battle fonght5*'without any leader? 

It is not claimed by any one that Gates was on the field, 
or that he had anytliing to do with the battle, except to 
yield to Arnold's importunity and permit him to send 
Morgan and Dearborn to the front ; when he saw Scammel's 
battalion marching out, " he asked where the troops were 
going, and on being told, he declared no more troops should 
go — he would not suffer the camp to be exposed." * 

Who then did lead ? This battle was full of skillful 
maneuvers and evolutions, beginning at mid-day and last- 
ing till night ; and Burgoyne and Phillips, and Fraser and 
Riedesel, skillful and able men, were all on the field skill- 
fully guiding and directing the British troops. Was the 
battle on the American side fought without a leader? Was 
there no guiding spirit? Such an improbable statement 
would never have appeared on the pages of any respectable 
writer, if the man who ably led and valiantly fought that 
battle had not afterwards betrayed his country. 

But let us be just to this man, even though his name be 
Benedict Arnold. 

A brilliant and fascinating, but not always accurate, 
historian, has said : " Arnold was not on the field.'"* 

If so, this was the first time he was ever near a battle- 
field and not at the head of his troops. He commanded the 
left wing, and this was the object of Burgoyne's skillfully 
arranged attack ; his troops fought gallantly, maneuvered 
skillfully, met and foiled by skill and valor every attempt 
of Burgoyne for five long hours; and we are told they did so 
without their leader, without any leader ? The statement 
is utterly incredible, and can be demonstrated to be untrue. 

This is Mr. Bancroft's language: 

1. Colonel Varick, Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. TI, p. 349. 

2. Bancroft's History of United States, Vol. IX, p. 411. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AIS^D HIS TREASON. 175 

" On tlie British side three Major-Generals came on the 
field; on the American &ide not one, nor a Brigadier till 
near its close;" and in a note he adds: "Arnold was not on 
the field. So witnesses AVilkinson, whom Marshall knew 
personally and believed. So said the informer of Gordon." ' 
Let ns examine the evidence: Wilkinson was the Adju- 
tant-General of Gates. He was then a young man of 
twenty, an enemy of Arnold, pert, officious and vain. 
Gates' headquarters were beliind Bemis' Heights, and from 
these quarters the battle-ground could not be seen.^ More 
than tliirty years (1816) after the battle, Wilkinson pub- 
lished his memoirs, and while the just indignation against 
Arnold for his treason was fresh, and when everything to 
his prejudice and nothing to his credit, found its way into 
print, makes this statement: 

" It is worthy of remark, that not a single general officer was on the 
field of battle on the nineteenth of September, until the evenmg, when 
Geneva! Learned was ordered out. About the same time General Gates 
and Arnold were in front of the center of the camp, listening to the peal 
of small arms, when Colonel M. Lewis returned from the field and 
reported the indecisive progress of the action, at which Arnold ex- 
claimed : ' By G — d, I will soon put an end to it,' and clapping spurs to 
his horse, galloped off at full speed. Colonel Lewis observed to Gates, 
' You had better order him back ; he may, by some rash act, do mischief.' 
I was instantly dispatched, overtook, and remanded Arnold to camp."^ 

This was at "evening." It was the first time Wilkinson 

speaks of seeing Arnold that day. Arnold's intelligence 

of Burgo^me's approach was received at mid-day. Colonel 

Yarick says, " It is evident to m.e he (Gates) never intended 

to fight Burgoyne till Arnold urged, begged and entreated 

him to do it." ' Where had Arnold been from noon until 

1. Bancroft's History of United States, Vol. IX, p. 410. But MarshaU himself says : 
"Arnold with nine Continental regiments and Morgan's corps was completely en- 
gaged with the whole right wing of the British army."— i'/e of Washington, Vol. 
II, p. 275. 

2. stone's Burgoyne's Campa-'gn, p. 71. 

3. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, pp. 245-6. 

4. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349. 



176 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

'' evenins: " dnrinir the four or five hours in which his whole 
division had been fighting ? 

At "evening" Arnold appears "mounted" in front of 
the center of the camp, finds Gates, and the moment a re- 
port is brought in that the action is " indecisive " he ex- 
claims: "By G — d, I will soon put an end to it," and 
clapping spurs to his horse, gallops oflf at full speed, and is 
only restrained by the peremptory order of Gates. This 
conduct certainly does not indicate a man who had been for 
four hours away from the field of battle on which his own 
soldiers were hotly engaged. It was a strange spectacle for 
the chief to arrest the second in command when spurring 
to the front nnder circumstances above stated. It may well 
be that Wilkinson did not see Arnold on the field of battle 
during the day. The battle-ground was uneven, and most 
of it covered with forest, so that no general view could be 
had of the field. 

N^either Arnold's head-quarters, nor any considerable por- 
tion of the battle-field were visible from Gates' head-quar- 
ters.' Wilkinson's proper position when not executing an 
order, was near his chief, and Gates, somewhat rudely 
reminds his staff-officer of this; as Wilkinson says, "about 
lialf past twelve o'clock, a report of small arms announced 
Morgan's corps to be engaged in front of our left. The 
General and his suite were examining the battery, which , 
had been commenced on our left. I asked leave to repair 
to the scene of action, but was refused, with this observa- 
tion:" "It is your duty, sir, to await orders." If he had 
repaired to the scene of action, he would doubtless have 
seen Arnold in the fight as usual. But not being permitted 
to go to the scene of action, he did not, and could not see 
Arnold until the incident at "evening," already described. 

But let us examine and see what is implied by the corres- 

1. Burgoyne s Campaign, by Charles Neilson, p. 149, 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 177 

pondence of these officers at that time. On the twentj- 
second of September, Arnold having heard tliat Gates, in 
his report of the engagement transmitted to Congress, had 
made no mention of his division, nor of himself, indignant 
at this treatment, writes to Gates, savino:: '' On the nine- 
teentli, when advice was received that the enemy was 
approaching, I took the liberty to give it as my opinion 
that we ouglit to march out and attack them. Yon desired 
me to send Colonel Morgan and the Liglit Infantry, and 
siijpjport them; I obeyed yotir orders, and before the action 
was over, / found it necessary to send out the whole of my 
division to support the attack. "No other troops were engao-ed 
that day except Colonel's Marshall's regiment."^ These 
facts, not denied by Gates, are entirely inconsistent with the 
statement of Wilkinson, and show that Arnold obtained 
leave to "march out and attack, and that to that end he 
had obtained leave to send Colonel Moriran and the Lio-ht 
Infantry, and that he did " support them;" and that before 
the action was over, he found it necessary to " support " 
them by "the whole of my (his) division." 

These statements of Arnold, made three days after the 
battle, in a letter complaining of Gates' injustice to his 
troops, if true^ establish the fact that the battle of the 
nineteenth of September was fought by Arnold's division, 
under his leadership. Is it likely that Arnold, in the camp 
of Gates, and in the 2)resence of the whole army, would 
make statements which, if untrue, would be instantly 
known to be false, and stamped as such? And if he had 
been guilty of such folly, would not Gates — then Arnold's 
bitter enemy — and his Adjutant-General, have then and 
there contradicted the statement? But the statement was 
not contradicted by Gates; it was not until more than thirty 
years had gone by, that Wilkinson says that not a single 

1. Arnold to Gates, Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 251. 
12 



178 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

general officer was on the field. As criticisms of Wilkin- 
son's statements, by various historians and writers, will be 
quoted liereafter, I forbear further comments, and will pro- 
ceed to present the clear and positive testimony of impar- 
tial eye-witnesses, showinsj that Mr. Bancroft's allegation 
— based on Wilkinson's — that Arnold was not on the field, 
is erroneous. Wilkinson was a bitter enemy of Arnold, 
and a partizan of Gates, but there were in the camp at the 
time of the battle, two gentlemen of high personal charac- 
ter, and every way entitled to fnll credence — Colonel Rich- 
ard Yarick,^ who had been the secretary, and Colonel 
Livinofston, who had been the aid ot General Schnvler. 
Colonel Livingston was now the aid of General Arnold, 
and of course, as such, knew perfectly well what Arnold 
was doing on the day of the battle. Three days thereafter, 
and when Arnold, indignant at Gates' treatment of his 
division and of himself, threatened to leave, Livingston, in 
a letter to Schuyler says : 

" When the general officers and soldiers heard of it, they were greatly 
alarmed. * * * They had lost confidence in Gates, and had the 
highest opinion of Arnold. * To induce him (Arnold) to stay, General 
Poor proposed an address from the general officers and Colonels of his 
division, returning him thanks for his services, and jmrticularly for 
his conduct during the late action, and requesting him to stay. ^ The 
address was framed and consented to by Poor's officers. Those of 
General Learned refused. They acquiesced in the propriety of the 
measure, but were afraid of giving umbrage to General Gates, ' ' ^ — a paltry 
excuse for officers of rank to allege for not doing their duty. Finally a 
letter was written to Arnold, and signed by all the general officers, 
excepting Lincoln, urging him to remain, for another battle seemed 
imminent.^ 

1. Afterwards on the staff of Washington, Mayor of tlie city of New York, and 
Attorney-General of the State. 

2. Quoted from Schuyler papers, in Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351. 

3. Schuyler Papers. 

4. Livingston to Schuyler, September 23d. 

5. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. 11, p. 351. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 179 

Co]. Yarick, writini^ from Arnold's camp to Scliiiyler on 
tlie 22nd, three days after the battle, says: 

"Gates seemed to be piqued that Arnold's division had the honor of 
beating- the enemy on the 19th. This I am certain of: Arnold has all the 
credit of the action ; and this I further know, that Gates asked where 
the troops were going- when Scammers battallion marched out, and 
upon being told, he declared no more troops should go; he would not 
sulfer the camp to be exposed. Had Gates complied with Arnold's 
repeated desires, he would have obtained a general and complete victory- 
over the enemy. But it is evident to me he never intended to fight 
iJurgoyne until Arnold urged, begged and entreated him to do it." ^ 

Colonel Yarick, in another letter, alluding to the quarrel 
between Arnold and Gates, says: "I apprehend if Arnold 
leaves us we shall move, unless tlie enemy moves up the 
river. He has the full confidence of the troops, and they 
would fight gallantly under him." '"' 

Writing to Schuyler, Yarick says: 

** Camp, Wednesday, 9 o'clock A. M., ) 
" Sept. 24, 1777. j" 

"Your very polite favor of the 21st was delivered me j^esterday by 
Maj. Franks. 1 have anticipated the answer in mine of 22d at 11 o'clock 
P. M., and the 23d in the morning-, with reference to Arnold and Lincoln. 
The former will, I believe, remain till the action we expect this day or 
to-morrow, is settled, although he had received his permit to go down 
yesterday morning. * * I am happy that Arnold has decided to stay. 
I have no doubt of some hot work this day. Many discharges have 
already happened in the woods." ^ 

In anotlier letter of the 2tl:th, Yarick says: 

*' General Arnold is so much offended at the treatment Gates has given 
him, that I make not the least doubt the latter will be called on, as soon 
as the service will admit.'' * 

On the 25th September, Schuyler, replying to Yarick's 
letter of 21st, says : 

1. Schuyler Papers— MSS. I refer also to Losslng's Life of Schuyler.Vol.il, p. 349. 

2. Schuyler Papers— MSS. Varick to Schuyler, Sept. 22, 1777. 

3. Schuyler Papers. Varick to Schuyler, Sept. 24, 1777. 

4. Schuyler Papers— MSS. 



180 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

** A report prevails tha"" a second frac.is has happened between Gates 
and General Arnold, and I hope it is not of such a nature as to oblidge 
that gallant officer to leave the army. If he does, I shall be far, very far 
from being so easy as I feel myself, in the reflection that he is with 
you."i 

And on the 25tli of September, Schuyler, in reply to 

A^arick, says: 

"I am pleased to hear that our gallant friend. General Arnold, has 
determined- to remain until a battle shall have happened, or General Bur- 
goyne retreats. Everybody that I have conversed with on the subject of 
the dispute between Gates and him, thinks Arnold has been extremely 
ill-treated. He (Gates) will probably be indebted to him (Arnold) for 
the glory he may acquire by a victory; but perhaps he is so very sure of 
success that he does not wish the other to come in for a share of it." '^ 

Such are the statements of Colonel Yarick. Colonel 
Livingston's statements are not less explicit and con- 
clusive. 

In a letter to Schuyler dated " Camp, Bemis' Heights," 

Sept. 23d, ITTT, he says:' 

'' I am much distressed at General Arnold's determination to retire 
from the army at this important crisis. His presence was never more 
necessary. He is the life and soul of \he troops. Believe me, Sir, to 
him alone is due the Jionor of our late viciory. TThatever share his 
superiors may claim, they are entitled to none. He enjoys the confidence 
and atfection of officers and soldiers. They would to a man follow him 
to conquest or death. His departure will dishearten them to such a de- 
gree as to render them of little service." 

1. Schuyler Papers— MSS. 

2. Schuyler to Yarick, Sept. 25, 1777. Schuyler MSS. 

3. Schuyler MSS. 

This is the text of the letter 

" Cami 

" tiept. 26, 1777. 



"Camp AT Eemis TTeights, \ 



" Dear Sir : 

"I am this moment honored with your favor of the 21st by Major Franks. General 
Lincoln arrived here last night, and part of his infantry came to-day; the re- 
mainder are expected to-morrow. I wrote to you some time since of his having 
detached two parties to Ticonderoga and Fort Independence. Colonel Varick has 
given you the particulars of their success. I cannot persuade myself that the 
mount will be taken. 

'• I am much distressed at General Arnold's determination to retire from the Army 



HIS PATRIOTISil AXD HIS TREASOX. 181 

The next day, Sept. 2tl:tli, Arnold having in consequence 
of the expectation of an engagement, determined to re- 
main, Livingston hastens to write to Schuyler, saying, " as 

at this important crisis. His presence Avas never more necessary. He is the life and 
soul of the troops. Believe me, Sir, to him alone is due the honor of our late 
Victory; whatever share his superiors may claim, they are entitled to none. He 
enjoys the confidence and affection of his oflBcers and soldiers. They would, to a 
man, follow him to conquest or death. His departure will dishearten them to such 
a degree as to render them of little service. 

" The difference between him and Mr. G. has arisen to too great a height to 
admit of a compromise. I have for some time past observed the great coolness, and 
in many instances, even disrespect, with which General Arnold has been treated at 
Headquarters. His proposals have been rejected with marks of indignity. His own 
orders have been frequently countermanded, and himself set in a rediculous light 
by those of the Commander-in-Chief. His remonstrances on those occasions have 
been termed presumptuous. In short, he has pocketed many insults for the sake of 
liis country, which a man of less pride would have resented. The repeated indig- 
nities he received at length roused his spirit and determination again to remon- 
strate. He waited on ^Mr. Gates in person last evening. Matters were altercated in a 
very high strain. Both were warm— the latter rather passionate and very assuming 
Towards the end of the debate Mr. G. told Arnold 'He did not know of his being 
a Major-General. He had sent in his resignation to Congress. He had never given 
him the command of any division of the Army, General Lincoln would be here 
in a day or two, and that then he should have no occasion for him, and would give 
him a pass to Philadelphia, whenever he chose.' 

"Arnold's spirit could not brooke this usage. He returned to his quarters, repre- 
sented what had passed, in a letter to Mr. G., and requested his permission to go to 
Philadelphia. This morning, in compliance to his letter, he received a permit by the 
way of a letter directed to Mr. Hancock. He sent this back, and requested one in 
l)roper form, which was complied with. To-morrow he will set out for Albany. The 
leason of the present disagreement between two cronies is simply this: Arnold is 
your friend. I shall attend ihe General down, chagrining as it may be for me to 
leave the army when an opportunity for any young fellow to distinguish him- 
self. I can no longer submit to the command of a man whom I abhor from my 
very soul. His conduct is disgusting to every one, except his flatterers and de- 
pendants, among whom are some who profess to be your friends. A cloud is gath- 
ering, and may ere longburst on his head. * * Lt. Arden is just returned with eight 
Tory prisoners. He made a tour as far as Saratoga— was in your house, which he 
found is much damaged. The glasses are entirely gone, the paper ruined and 
frame much injured. The barn and other out-buildings are safe. Two letters were 
taken from one of the Tories are from Burgoyne to Brig. Pond, in which he says^ 
' We left r)00 dead on the field.' He is silent as to his own loss. He begs that St. 
Leger may be hastened on. The Indians you have sent us are of great service ; not 
a day passes without their taking some prisoners. Make my best respects to Mrs. 
Schuyler and family. 

" I am, dear General, «S:c., 

" Henky B. Livingston. 
" General Philip Schuyler." 



182 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

tlie eneni}^ are hourly expected. General Arnold cannot 
think of leaving camp." * 

On the 26th of September, Livingston wrote again to 
Schuyler, saying: 

" It gives me pleasure to inform you that General Arnold intends to 
stay. AVhen the general oflBcers found him determined to go, they 
thought it necessary to take some measures to induce him to continue in 
the army. They have accordingly written him a letter (signed by all but 
Lincoln), requesting him not to quit the service at this critical time. He 
has consented, though no accommodation has taken place." 

In the same letter he speaks of an attempt being made 
to have the writer turned from Gen. Arnold's familv. 



1. Schuyler MSS. The following is the text of the letter of 24th Sept : 

» AT Bemis' H 
" yept. 24, 1777. 



*' Camp at Bemis' Heights, ) 



" Dear Sir : 

" I wrote you last evening and was in hopes to have had the pleasure of seeing 
you to-day, but as the enemy are hourly expected, General Arnold cannot think cf leaving 
camp. Three deserters came in this morning, and it was rumored in the camp 
when they came off, that we were to be attacked this day. Burgoyue yesterday 
harrangued the soldiers, and told them he was determined to leave his bones on 
the field or force his way to Albany. He has about one month's salt provisions in 
his camp. Three Tories were just now brought in by the Oneidas; they confirm the 
report of the deserters, and add that the enemy acknowledged publicly to have lost 
700 killed and wounded in the late battle, and plume themselves with a confidence 
that our loss might have been at least double. 

" General Arnold's intention to quit this department is made public, and has 
caused great uneasiness among the soldiers. To induce him to stay. General Poor 
proposed an address from the general ofiicers and colonels of his division, return- 
ing him thanks for his past services, and particularly for his conduct during the 
late action, and requesting him to stay. The address was framed and consented to 
by Poors officers. Those of General Learned refused. They acquiesced in the 
propriety of the measure, but were afraid of giving umbrage to General Gates— a 
paltry excuse for officers of rank to allege in excuse fur not doing their duty. As 
this method has failed, I see no other way left to bring about a reconciliation but 
by the interposition of the General officers. This has been proposed to Lincoln. 
He is now anxious for Arnold's stay, and will push the matter. I hope he may 
succeed, as I think he is an officer of too much moment to be neglected— though it 
may be a mortifying situation for any Gentleman of spirit to submit to the petulent 
humors of any man, be his rank ever so high. 

" I am with due respect and esteem, Sir, 
" Your friend, 

•' Henry B. Livingston. 

" Major General Schuyler." 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 18 



o 



*' Maj. Chester," ' says he, "attempted to bring about a reconciliation. 
For this purpose he consulted with the Deputy Adjutant- General, and in 
the course of their conver.-ation was told that some overtures *were 
necessary on Arnold's side ; that Gen Gates was jealous of me, and that 
I had influenced Arnold's conduct, and that of course it was necessary to 
get rid of me to open a way for accommodation. When this was told to 
Arnold, he could not contain himself, and desired Chester to return for 
answer: ' that his judgment had never been influenced by any one, and 
that he would not sacrifice a friend for the 'face of clay.' " * 

1. The same Maj. Chester with whom Livington fought a duel in defense of 
Arnold, or about a matter growing out of the quarrel between Gates and Arnold. 

2. TheJ following is the text of Livingston's letter (letter of Sept 26). 

"Camp at Bemis Heights, ) 
" Sept. 26, 1777. J 

"Dear Sir: 

" I am favored with yours of the 25th, and am much obliged for the intelligence 
you gave me; lam particularly happy to hear that the enemy have left New 
Jersey. That state has had its share of the calamities of war, and needs some 
respite to recover itself. 

" It gives me pleasure to inform you that General Arnold intends to stay. When 
the General Officers found him determined to go, they thought it necessary to take 
some measures to induce his continuance in the army. They have, accordingly, 
wrote him a letter (signed by all but Lincoln) requesting him not to quit the Service 
at this critical moment. He has consented, though no accommodation has taken 
place. * * 

" I find myself under the necessity of returning to Albany, merely to satisfy the 
caprice and jealousy of a certain jireat person. It has bjen several times insinu- 
ated by the Commander-in-Chief to General Arnold, that his mind has been 
poisoned and prejudiced by some of his family, and I have been pointed out as the 
person who had this undue influence over him. Arnold had always made proper 
replies on these occasions, and despised the reflection. But since the last rupture, 
another attempt has been made in a low, indirect manner, to have me turned from 
General Arnold's family. Major Chester (who, by the way, is an impertinent 
pedant) attempted to bring about a reconciliation. For this purpose he consulted 
with the Lieu't-Adj'tGeneral, and in the course of their conversation was told 
that some overtures were necessary on Arnold's side; that General Gates was 
jealous of me, and thought I had influenced Arnold's conduct, and that of course 
it was necesarj' to get rid of me to open a way for accommodation. When this was 
told to Arnold he could scarcely contain himself, and desired Chester to return for 
answer: that his judgment had never been influenced by any man, and that he 
would not sacrifice ajriend to please the 'Face of clay.' 

" Arnold told me what had passed, and insisted on my remaining with him. As 
I find this cannot be done consistently with the harmony of these two gentlemen, 
I shall leave camp to-morrow. I purposed to have set off to day, but Arnold in- 
sisted on my staying at least this day, lest it should appear like a concession on his 
part. I have taken no pains to cure any one of these jealousies but let their own 
feelings prompt them. 

" Two deserters have come in this morning; thej' say, this is the day fixed to at- 
t.;ck us. I believe theze w'ill be (paper torn). General Arnold sends his btst wishes 



184 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

The statements of Yarick and Livingston, that Arnold 
was on the field and led his troops, settle beyond contro- 
versy the facts in relation to Ai-nold's conduct on the 19th 
of September, and show the estimation in which he was 
held by his fellow soldiers. One cannot read the glowing 
testimony of Judge Livingston in regard to Arnold's 

to you. He would write, but is preveuted by business. Mine wait on Mrs. >chuy' 

ler aud family. I am with great esteem. 

" Your affectionate humble servant, 

'• Henry B. Livingston. 
*' Major General Schuyler." 

—Schuyler iMSS. 



Also letter of Colonel Varick, as follows: 

" 7 o' clock, P. M 



" Camp, Rept. 25th, 1777, 7 



'• Dear Gen'l: 

" This afternoon I was honored with your very polite favor of this Date. 
"As to the subject of Dispute between ti:ie Gentlemen mentioned in Yours, the 
enclosed from Major Livingston will inform you further. It seems that it is a heart- 
sore to your success, or that our Major should live with Arnold. He has thrown 
out in an unmanly manner, that Arnold's mind was poisoned by some of those 
about him— here I feel myself touched, although the person alluded to in mine of 
(I think) the 19th, who affects great friendship for you, was polite enough to tell 
Major Chester, Livingston's antagonist, that the first step towards an accommoda- 
tion will be to get rid of Livingston. This Arnold was informed of, but disdained 
so ignoble an act. Livingston has too much regard for his country to remain, 
when by sacrificing his own pleasure, he may possibly promote its weal ; this how- 
ever is but ostentation. As I conceive the hint to be intended (by Gate's friend) for 
me also, I shall avoid as much as possible going to Arnold's, lest I may be the 
ostensible cause of Dispute. Livingston will go down to-morrow, and if there is no 
probability of an action by Saturday or Sunday, I shall follow him, though U, 
would give me more pleasure if 1 could see Saratoga first; this pleasure I fancy I 
should have this day enjoyed, if General Gates had either furnished Arnold with 
troops on the 19th, or permitted us to go out on the 20th while the Enemy were in 
confusion, and are now in high spirits and rejoicing in their past Victory, A Victory 
I will not call it when we drove them from the field of battle, which was of no fur- 
ther use tons when night came on, and we retired deliberate'y to our camp, leaving 
them to bury our Dead the next day— A day, the loss of which we may severely 
regret. 

"The enemy are strongly encamped and fortified, and I do not imagine Gates 
will attack them, nor will it be prudent for them to attack us. 

"If our army moves by Saturday noon or Sunday, I shall continue here; if not. 
my Duty will oblige me to return to Albany and sign the Muster Rolls, before I see 
Saratoga. 

'• It is said the Enemy have fortifyed the Ground we fought on with a work 12 or 
16 feet high. What use this can be of unless it be for a Garrison and safe Guard 
for his stores. It is hardly practicable to take it ' coup de-main' as it is a high 
ground surrounded by vallies. 



HIS PATrvIOTlSM AND HIS TREASON. 185 

services, and the extent to wliicli lie enjoyed tlie confidence 
and afiection of officers and soldiers, and the declaration 
that "the}^ would, to a man, follow him to conquest or 
death," without being convinced that he must have pos- 
sessed other qualities which soldiers love, besides courage. 

It is proper to add that Colonel Livingston, after being 

on the staff of Schuyler and Arnold, went to Spain as the 

Secretary of John Jay, whose sister he married. Afterwards 

^ he was Judge of the Supreme Court of New York, and 

then Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

I cite also the testimony of Charles Neilson.^ He gives 
as his authority his father, who was in the engagement as 
a guide, and had occupied a portion of the battle-field as a 
farm, and this statement of an eye witness is as l^eilson 
says, corroborated by many officers and soldiers who were 
23 resent. Neilson says: 

"About the time General Philips arrived on the field 
with the artillery, General Arnold, on a gray horse and 
under full speed from the scene of action, rode up to Gen- 
eral Gates," * "^ and said: "General, the British are 
reinforced — we must have more men." General Gates re- 

" I believe you are not much in the wrong in your conjectures that Gates was 
sure of success, and wished to ascribe aU the honor to himself, as no other oflQcer 
(except Arnold) had enough of a Gentleman's spirit to dispute it with him. 

" This morning the enemy's picket of German's in the rear were attacked and 
would have been all secured had not the Fogg (which was very intense) prevented 
it : six were killed and one prisoner; the rest escaped. The prisoner had a ral and 
the end of his title, but he did not know whether he was a General or a Corporal. 

" General Gates said this afternoon that his army was at least 3,000 stronger than 
3 days since; that Lincoln had 1,600 Rank and file. 

" As this is like to be a rainy night, Burgoyne may possibly be fool enough to 
make a tryal to push on, or try our pickets. (Paper torn— illegible.) 

" I am exceedingly happy in the Good Wishes of your family. I need not assure 
you that they have ever liad mine. I wish my best respects to Mrs. Schuyler, with 
thanks for the Butter she has been so good as to send me. Miss Peggy and the Young 
Gentleman also claim my best regards. 

" I am, dear sir, 

" Very sincerely and affectionately Yours, 

•' llicii'D Varick. 

" To Hon. Gen'l Schuyler." 

—iScfiuyl'^r 3[SS. 

1. Burgoyne's Campaign, by Charles Neilson, published by Munsell, 1844, p. 148. 



M^ ^^ 






186 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

plied, ^'You shall have them," and immediately ordered 
Learned's brigade, when Arnold hurried back on a full gal- 
lop, and the men after him in a double-quick time. 

He adds: " These incidents were well known at the time, 
and often spoken of afterwards to this day, and the author 
relates them in contradiction to what was said by Wilkin- 
son respecting Arnold." * 

If any further proof is desired, it may be found in the 
account of the battle, sent by express from General Gates' 
headquarters, on the afternoon of September 21st, by Major 
Cochran to the Council of Safety, at Bennington, Yermont, 
as follows : 

''General Arnold with his division, attacked a division of Burgoyne, 
in which General Arnold gained the ground ; when the enemy were 
reinforced by the main body, when General Arnold was obhged to retreat; 
but being reinforced, recovered his ov.-n, so that the ground remained at 
eight o'clock yesterday divided between them. This account came by 
express from General Gates' head- quarters yesterday afternoon by Major 
Cochran." 2.^ 

The Eno^lish commander and his officers do not mention 

any other general officer on the field in the battle of the 

J 9th September, except Arnold. General Burgoyne, in 

his account of the campaign, before the House of Commons, 

in 1779, says : 

" Mr. Gates had determined to receive the attack in his Hues. Mr. 
Arnold, who commanded on the lett, forseeing the danger of being 
turned, advanced without consultation with his general, and gave 
enstead of receiving battle. The stroke might have been fatal on his 
part had he failed. But confident I am, upon a minute examination of 

1. Burgoyne's Campaign, by Charles Neilson, pp. 148-9—150-151. See Preface, p. 
8. Ditto p. 153. " The fact of Arnold's being present on the field during the ac- 
tion of the 19th, and actually heading the troops that engaged Fraser's division, 
Is also confirmed by a number who were present and who were engaged in the 
battle." 

2. Vermont Historical Society Collections, Vol. I, p. 239, 

3. See, also, Magazine of Am. History, ilay, 1878, p. 278 : " Col. Philip Van Court- 
laudt, who commanded a New York regiment engaged in the fight, says that after 
he had left his parade and was marching towards the enemy, he received his orders 
from Gen. Arnold." 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 187 

the ground since, that had the other idea been pursued, I should in a 
few hours gained a position, that in spite of the Ennemy's numbers would 
have put them in my power." ^ 

It would be difficult to find any account of the battle, 
written before his treason, in which Arnold is not men- 
tioned as leading the American troops, for no man ever dis- 
covered that he was not on the field until after his con- 

The testimony now to be cited of historians and writers 
is important only as showing how candid and impartial 
judges have regarded the evidence. In the face of the just 
and universal prejudice against him, the proof has com- 
pelled, often against their inclination, a very large majority 
of the ablest writers to give the credit and the glory of the 
battle of the nineteenth of September to General Arnold. 

Washington Irving, in his Life of Washington, delin- 
eates the battle and the generalship of Arnold, as follow? : 

"* * * The American officers grew impatient. Arnold especially, 
impetuous by nature, urged repeatedly that a detachment should be sent 
forth to check the enemy in their advance, and drive the Indians out of 
the woods. 

" At length he succeeded in getting permission, about noon, to detach 
Morgan with his riflemen and Dearborn with his infantry, from his divis- 
ion. They soon fell in with the Canadians and Indians, which formed 
the advance guard of the enemy's right, and attacking them with spirit, 
drove them in, or rather dispersed them. Morgan's riflemen, following 
up their advantage with too much eagerness, became likewise scattered, 
and a strong reinforcement of royalists arriving on the scene of action, 
the Americans, in their turn, were obliged to give way. Other detach- 
ments now arrived from the American camp, led bj^ Arnold, who attacked 
Fraser on his right, to check his attempt to get in the rear of the camp. 
Finding the position of Fraser too strong to be forced, he sent to head- 
quarters for reinforcements, but they were refused by Gates, who de- 
clared that no more should go; ' he would not suffer his camp to be ex- 
posed." ^ 

1. Burgcyne's Expedition. Gen. Burgoyne's Narrative, London, 1780, p. £6. See 
also, p. CO. 

2. living's Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 243. 



188 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

a * * Arnold now made a rapid counter-march, and his movements 
being masked by the woods, suddenly attempted to turn Fraser's left. 
Here he came in full conflict with the British line, and threw himself 
upon it with a boldness and impetuosity that for a time threatened to 
break it, and cut the wings of the army asunder. The grenadiers and 
Breyman's lifiemen hastened to its support. General Phillips broke his 
way through the woods with four pieces of artillery, and Riedesel came 
on with his heavy dragoons. Reinforcements came likewise to Arnold's 
assistance; his force, however, never exceeded three thousand men, and 
with these, for nearly four hours, he kept up a conflict almost hand to 
hand with the who'e right wing of the British army. Part of the time 
the Americans had the advantage of fighting under the cover of a wood, 
so favorable to their militia and sharpshooters. Burgoyne ordered the 
woods to be cleared by the bayonet. His troops rushed forward with 
a hurrah! The Americans kept within their entrenchments, and repeat- 
edly repulsed them; but if they pursued their advantage, and advanced 
into open field, they were in their turn driven back. 

''Night alone put an end to a conflict which the British acknowledged 
to have been the most obstinate and hardly-fought they had ever experi- 
enced in America. * * * * Arnold was excessively indignant at 
Gates' withholding the reinforcements he had required in the heat of the 
action; had they been furnished, he said, he might have severed the line 
of the enemy and gained a complete victory. He was urgent to resume 
the action on the succeeding morning and follow up the advantage he 
had gained, but Gates declined, to his additional annoyance." ^ 

Lossing, in his Field Book of the Eevolution,^ says: 

"Let us pause a moment and render justice to as brave a soldier as 
ever drew blade for freedom. * * I mean Benedict Arnold. * *" 

Botta, who was acquainted with many of the foreign officers who 
served in the war, and whose sources of correct information were very 
ample, observes: 

" ' Arnold upon this occasion exhibited all the impetuosity of his cour- 
age. He encouraged his men by voice and example.' 

''Steadman, a British officer, says in his History of the American "War: 

" 'The enemy were led to the battle by General Arnold, who distin- 
guished himself in an extraordinary manner.' " 

Lossing, in his life of Schuyler, says: 

"To Arnold's skill and daring, which animated his 

1. Irving's life of Washington, Vol. Ill, pp. 344-345, 

2. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 55, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 189 

troops, was chiefly due the credit of successfully^ resisting 

the inroads at Beniis' Heights." ^ 

Colonel Yarick. writing to Schuyler from Albany, says: 
"During Burgoyne's stay here he gave Arnold great 

credit for his bravery and his military abilities; especially 

in the action of the nineteenth, whenever he speaks of him, 

and once in the presence of Gates." ^ 

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349. 

2. A very late, accurate and able professional writer, 'General Carrington, Profes- 
sor of Military Science, etc., in his " Battles of the American Revolution," says, 
p. 342 : 

'« * * * To what extent General Arnold accompanied the successive portions of 
his division, which bore the brunt of this day's figlit, is not clearly or uniformly 
defined by historians. That contemporaneous history gave his division credit is 
nowhere questioned; and that he was a listless observer, or remained in camp re- 
gardless of the fact that he was responsible for the entire left wing, which was then 
assailed, is perfectly inconsistent with his nature and the position he occupied. 

"Wilkinson, Adjutant-General of Gates, and by virtue thereof ' prima facia' good 
authority as to the acts of Gates, makes the remarkable statement that ' not a 
single general oflicer was on the field of battle the nineteenth of September until 
evening,' and states the execution of this wonderful military exploit, that 'the 
battle was fought by the general concert and zealous co-operation of the corps en- 
gaged, and sustained more by individual courage than military discipline.' 

" Bancroft states that ' Arnold was not on the field ;' and adds, ' so witnesses Wil- 
kinson, whom Marshall knew personally and believed.' But Marshall says, ' Re- 
inforcements were continually brought up, and about four o'clock Arnold, with 
nine continental regiments and Morgan's corps, was completely engaged with the 
whole right wing of the British army. The conflict was extremely severe, and only 
terminated with the day.' * * * There was little disptsition on the part of 
historians, who wrote just after the war. to do Arnold justice for real merit; but 
Stedman, equally good authority with Gordon, in most respects, says: ' The enemy 
were led to battle by General Arnold, who distinguished himself in an extraordi- 
nary manner.' Dawson, who has few superiors in the careful examination of American 
history, and Lossing, who has devoted his life to this class of specialties, and Tomes, 
concur with Marshall; while Colonel Varick,writing immediately from the camp, and 
Neilson and Hall, and many other writers, give to Arnold not merely the credit of 
superintending the field operations of his division, but of leading them in person. 
It is difficult to understand hoAVthe withdrawal of troops from Fraser's front, and 
their transfer to the British centre, with the consequent movements described by 
General Burgoyne, which required such rapid and exhaustive employment of the 
Avhole force which he brought into action, could have taken place undirected, and 
with no strong will to hold the troops to the attack and defense. 

" It is material that other facts be considered in order to appreciate the value of 
Wilkinson's statement. He was a young man about twtnty years of age, restless^ 
migratory in the camp, and like a boy in his eagerness to see everything every- 
where. He exercised his functions as Assistant Adjutant-General, as if he were the 
duplicate of his chief, and repeatedly gave orders as if the two j^crs'jns made the 



190 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

Perhaps too much space lias been given to a question 
which would never have been raised at all but for Arnold's 
treason, and would scarcely have deserved serious consid- 
eration, but that Mr. Bancroft has, without careful investi- 
gation, never having seen, as I am compelled to believe, the 
letters of Yarick and Livingston, permitted himself to be 
misled by the dictum of Wilkinson. 

The whole army, as is clearly shown by the letters of Yarick 
and Livingston, gave to Arnold the glory of bravely and skill- 
fully fighting this battle. An old soldier who was with him 
in the battle, quaintly but clearly expresses the verdict of 
his comrades, saying:^ 

"Arnold was our fighting general, and a bloody fel- 
low he was. He didn't care for nothing; he'd ride right 
in. It was 'come on boys,' H'want \go boys.' He was as 
brave a man as ever lived. They didn't treat him right. 
He ought to have had Burgoyne's sword. But he ought to 
have been true;" and the old soldier seemed to grieve over 
the defection of his commander, as a father mourns over 
the dishonor of a son. 

general commanding. ****** Arnold also, in his objections to tlie transfer 
of Morgan from his command, and neither Gates nor Wilkinson dissent from his 
statement, thus addresses General Gates: "On the I'Jth inst., when advice was re- 
ceived that the enemy were approaching, I took tlie liberty to give it as my opinion 
that we ought to march out and attack them. You desired me to send Colonel 
Morgan and the Light Artillery to support them. I obeyed your orders, and before the 
action was over I found it necessary to send out the whole of my division to sup- 
port the attack.' * * * 

'' It is a fact that General Gates did not pass under fire, neither was it necessary for 
him to do so; but the wliole conduct of that officer, and of his Adjutant General, 
savors of the disgust with which in an earlier war. King Paul heard the shouts that 
'Saul had slain his thousands, but David his tens of thousands.' Arnold must 
stand credited with personal valor, and a gallant defense of the left Aving of the 
American army on the nineteenth day of September, 1777. 

"There is no method of determining the details of his conduct, and the student 
of history must unite with Sparks and Irving and Marshall, in the general senti- 
ment that Morgan only, of American officers, can compete with Arnold for the 
brightest laurels of the Saratoga campaign." 

1. Samuel Downing, heretofore quoted. 



CHAPTER X. 

SECOND BATTLE OF SARATOGA. 

"Gates will be indebted to him (Arnold) for the glory he may acquire by a vic- 
tory."— General Philip Schuyler. 

Quarrel between Gates and Arnold— Action op October 7th— Heroism of 
Arnold— Gates Tries in vain to Recall him from the Field— Morgan, by 
Direction of Arnold, Orders his Riflemen to Fire at Fraser— Fraser 
Shot— Senator Foster's Account of Arnold's Charge, as Witnessed by his 
Father— Arnold Shot— Saves the Life of the Soldier who Shot him— 
Congress Votes him Thanks and the Rank hitherto Refused— Washing 

TON SENDS him HIS NEW, ANTE-DATED COMMISSION, AND DECLARES HE IS RE- 
STORED "to a Violated Right." 

It is difficult to conceive a more painful position than 
that of General Arnold after the battle of the 19th of Sep- 
tember. If his subsequent crime conld be forgotten, it 
would not be possible to withhold from him the sympathy 
and admiration which is always felt for a man of ability 
suffering from nndeserved misfortune. Tims far his mili- 
tary career had been brilliant — almost without a parallel. 

He had seen as much or more hard service — had done as 
mncli downright hard fighting — as any man, Washington 
always excepted, of his rank in the American army. The 
brightest laurels of Greene, so nobly won, were acquired 
later in the war. 

In the spring of 1777 he w^ent to Philadelj^hia, from a 
short volunteer campaign in Connecticut, in which his 
soldierly qualities, his zeal, his energy, his activity, his 

(191) 



192 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

coolness in the hour of supreme peril, had literally extorted 
praise and promotion from his bitter enemies. AVhen in- 
telligence reached Schuyler that Burgojne was approaching- 
from the north, he called for Arnold, and Wasliington urged 
Congress to send him without "one moment's delay," be- 
cause, to use Washington's own words, he was "active, ju- 
dicious and brave," and because "his zeal and activity^ will 
animate the militia greatly." Leaving his unsettled accounts, 
offering to serve under juniors, who had been promoted over 
him, some of them without a military record, he had 
hastened to Schujder, volunteered to lead the force sent out 
along the bloody trail of Oriskany to relieve old Fort Stan- 
wix, and, this accomplished, he had hastened back, to find 
Gates in command, but taking the left wing of the army, 
he had skirmished heavily and successfully with the enemy, 
lie had fought the battle of the 19th of September, and 
now he found himself in the camp of the soldiers he had so 
lately led to victory without a command! Gates' jealousy, 
WilldnsQn!s_Jiatred, Arnold's faithful friendshij) for Schuy- 
ler, the praises and encomiums of Washington, and prob- 
ably his own imperious and unyielding temper, were the 
causes which resulted in his humiliation.' 

1. As an illustration of the injustice done to Arnold, even in the most minutJ^P 
details, by some historians, Bancroft says, Vol. IX, p. 407, "Arnold, who asf-umed the 
part of Schuyler's friend, was quarrelsome and insubordinate," Let us ^ee what 
his '• assumption " was. We have already shown that Col. Livingston, late on 
Schuyler's staff, in a confidential letter to Schuyler, says : " The reason of the disa- 
greement between two cronies is simply t\i\?,— Arnold is your friend." Schuyler 
speaks of "our gallant /r/efirf, Gen. Arnold." The truth is, that Arnold and Schuy- 
ler were warm and faithful friends all through the campaigns of 177G and 1777, and 
afterwards. If Arnold had not been faithful to Fchuyler, he might have continued 
the favorite of Gates, and then he would have been the acknowledged hero of Sar- 
atoga. But he was independent enough to be Schuyler's friend, in the camp of 
Gates, and Gates punished him for it, and yet Mr. Bancroft says that he" assumed" 
to be Schm^lcr s friend. The treatment of Arnold by some historians suggests the 
spirit of one who, when a friendless arid obnoxious man was struck, cried out " hit 
him again, he has no friends here ! " Yet to state or suggest a falsehood against 
Arnold, while it may please popular feelii g, anJ add to popular htvtrtd, has neither 
chivalry nor Christianity to excuse it. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 193 

The coolness, or more tlian coolness of Gates and his 
Adjutant-General towards the second in command, had be- 
come an open quarrel when Morgan's corps, which had been 
attached to the left wing under the command of Arnold 
ever since his return from Fort Schuyler, was now, without 
consultation or even notice, withdrawn from his division by 
general orders. * This," says Sparks, " was supposed to have 
been owing to the officious interference of Wilkinson." ^ 

In his official report to Congress of the late battle. Gates 
was so unjust that he did not mention, or even allude to 
Arnold, nor to his division, but merel}^ said the battle was 
fought by " detachments from the army." This was un- 
manly, unsoldier-like and ungenerous, and as unjust to Ar- 
nold's gallant troops as to their commander. Arnold 
naturally complained and expressed in strong language his 
sense of the injustice done to his soldiers.^ 

Gates, knowing Arnold's temper, and obviously seeking 
to provoke and drive liim from the service, went so far as 
to say sneeringly, he thought Arnold of little consequence 
in the army; that when General Lincoln arrived he would 
take away his command; and that he would with all his 
heart give him a pass to leave the army — very different 

iguage from that he r.sed Sept. 2d, 1776, when he was 
Trged to put Arnold in arrest, and replied: "The United 
States must not be deprived of that excellent officer's ser- 
vices at this important moment." ^ 

But as Gen. Schuyler suggests. Gates was now "so very 
sure of success that he did not w^ish the other (Arnold) to 
come in for a share of the glory he may acquire" from a 
^•ictory.'' Then, followed an angry correspondence. Arnold 

1. Sparts' Life of Arnold, p. 114. 

'2. Arnold's letter to Gates, Sept. 22, 1777; Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, pp. 
2.")4-6-7. 
.'.. Gates to the President of Congress, Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1268. 
4. Schuyler to Varick, Sept. 25, 1777. 

13 



194 LIFE OF BEXEDICT AEXOLD. 

wrote the letter of Sept. 22nd before mentioned. Gates was 
irritating, arrogant and vulgar; Arnold indiscreet, hanghty 
and passionate. Gates succeeded in provoking Arnold to 
demand a pass to A\^asliington, which Gates was but too 
ready to give. AVhen the officers and soldiers heard what 
was passing they became excited and indignant. "They 
had," as Lossing says, " lost all confidence in Gates^ and 
had the highest opinion of Arnold." ' 

B}^ personal entreaty, and in a written address, Arnold's 
officers begged him not to leave them, " for another battle 
seemed imminent." ^ 

" As the enemy are hourly expected, General Arnold 
cannot think of leaving camp," as Livingston wrote to 
Schuyler. 

Arnold had asked a pass to Washington in the heat of 
passion, and he was willingly persuaded to remain. On 
the first of October he had addressed a letter to Gates, in 
which he says: "Conscious of my own innocency and 
and integrity, I am determined to sacrifice my feel- 
ins^s and continue in the armv at this critical iunct- 
ure." ^ But Gates was inexorable; his rival was now with- 
out a command, and Gates meant to keep him in that con- 
dition, and therefore he had not the grace to restore him to 
his former position, but took the division under his own 
charge, placing Lincoln in command of the right wing. A 
day or two after Lincoln's arrival, Arnold still claiming ta 
command his old division, observing Lincoln giving some 
directions in regard to it, inquired if he was doing so by 
order of General Gates, and Lincoln replying in the nega- 
ative, Arnold observed that the left division belonged to 
him (Arnold) and that he believed that Lincoln's proper 

1. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351. 

2. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351. 

3. Letter to Gates, Oct.l, 1777. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. 1, pp. 25D 2G0. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 195 

station was on the riorlit, and that of Gates ousfht to be the 
center.^ " Arnold requested Lincoln to mention this to 
Gates and have it adjusted." Lincoln wisely sought to 
reconcile their differences, but without success. "Arnold 
is determined," says Yarick, ''not to suffer any man to in- 
terfere in his division, and says it w^ill be death to any 
officer in action." ^ 

He remained in camp, receiving the sympathy of his 
brother officers, but never consulted. Gates did not issue a 
formal order, depriving him of command, but ignored him. 

Meanwhile two thousand troops, lately under Lincoln, 
had arrived in camp, and the gates to Canada were being 
shut against the British retreat; the bridges in their rear 
were being destroyed by the Americans, and the toils were 
closing around Burgoyne. He looked anxiously towards 
Xew York for a diversion in his favor by Sir Henry Clinton. 
Provisions were growing scarce, and his troops, constantly 
harrassed by skirmishes, were now put on short allowance. 
Burgoyne fortified his camp, and the American militia came 
flocking in to take a hand in the capture of the British 
army, now regarded as morally certain. Its leader realized 
that he must fight or fly, and that without delaj^. In the 
early days of October the question of a rapid retreat, or a 
vigorous attack, was much considered and discussed by the 
British officers. Burofovne, in the beo^inninof of the cam- 
paign, proud and sanguine of success, had in his proclama- 
tion said: "This army must never retreat!" ISTow an 
escape by retreat would have been a relief to his anxiety. 
Philips proposed to make a rapid, circuitous march and 
fall upon the American left. Biedesel advised a retreat to 
Fort Edward. Eraser was ready and willing to fight. 

On the morning of the Tth of October, it was decided to 

1. living's Life of Washington Vol. Ill, p. '249. 

2. Varick to Schuyler. Schuyler papers. 



196 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

rcake preparations for battle, and that a reconnoissance in 
force should be executed, and if there should be found an 
opportunity for an attack, with reasonable prospects of 
success, it should bo given; if otherwise, preparations to 
retreat should be made. 

At 10 A. M., Burgoyne, aided by Philips, Eiedesel and 

Fraser, led 1,500 picked men to high ground, three-fourths 

of a mile to the west of the American line, and behind a 

screen of dense forests formed his line of battle. At the 

same time he despatched a party of live hundred rangers, 

loyalists and Indians, to steal through the forests and attack 

the rear of the left of the Americans, while he should attack 

their front and flank. The movements of the British were 

quickly discovered. The American center beat to arms, 

and the whole army prepared for battle. " Order out 

Morgan to begin the game," said Gates. At Morgan's 

suggestion he was directed to take possession of the heights 

to the right of the enemy. General Poor with his brigade, 

and a part of Scammels, were sent against the left of the 

British line ; meanwhile the party of rangers, loyalists and 

Indians had gained the rear of the Americans, driven in 

the pickets, and being joined by the grenadiers, drove the 

Americans within their lines; here they rallied, and 

being joined by Morgan and his riflemen, they in turn 

drove the British to the main line of battle now 

beino- formed, consisting of grenadiers under Major Ack- 

land, with artillery under Major Williams on the left; 

the center was composed of the Germans under 

Eiedesel, and British under Pliilips, while the light 

infantry under Earl Balcarras formed the extreme left. 

General Eraser, with five hundred picked men, was placed 

in advance of the right, ready to attack the Americans in the 

flank when the action should begin. It was now two o'clock 

in the afternoon, and Morgan, as has been stated, at his own 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 197 

suggestion, was sent with liis riflemen to take possession of 
some higli ground on the extreme right of the enemj, to 
watch and attack Eraser at the moment when an attack 
should be made on the British left by Poor's brigade and a 
part of Learned's. At half past two the battle began. The 
troops of Poor and Learned marched up the slope to attack 
the grenadiers and the artillery under Ackland and Wil- 
liams, and with orders not to open fire until after the first 
discharge of the enem}^ Silently and steadily they marched 
forward, and were recived by a discharge of musket balls 
and grape shot, which passed over their heads into the 
branches of the trees. Instantly, with a shout, they rushed 
forward and delivered their fire. Then followed a fierce 
assault and conflict. The Americans charged up to the 
very mouths, and among the cannon, and were met with 
a stubborn resistance. Cannon were taken and re-taken ; 
one of the field-pieces was captured and re-captured four 
times, until finally Colonel Cilley, who led his regiment, 
leaped upon the captured gun, and waving his sword, dedi- 
cated it to the j^atriot cause, and whirling it towards 
the enemy, discharged it upon them; the act was dramatic, 
and the efiect electric. Finally, after a terrible struggle, and 
when Major Ackland was severely wounded and Williams 
taken prisoner, the grenadiers and artillery fled, and the 
Americans held the field. While the battle was rairino- on 
the right Morgan led the attack upon Eraser and drove him 
back within the British lines; then falling upon their right 
flank, he broke their lines and put them to confusion. 
Dearborn with fresh troops attacked their front, which was 
broken, but rallied and made a stand under the Earl of 
Balcarras. The center of the British still held their ground. 
And now Arnold on his black horse was seen approaching 
at full speed. Chafing in his tent, he had early heard the 
sounds of the conflict, and no stag-hound chained in his 



198 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

kennel, wlien he hears the music of the pursuit, was ever 
more eager to join the chase than was Arnold to join his 
comrades in the Held. " ]^o man," exclaimed he to his aids, 
" shall keep me in my tent to-day. If 1 am without com- 
mand, I will fight in the ranks; but the soldiers, God bless 
them, will follow mj lead. Come on," said he, " victory or 
death!" and leaping into his saddle he plunged into the 
thickest of the fight, and the soldiers welcomed their old 
and beloved commander with shouts and cheers, which rose 
above the din and roar of the conflict* His gallant, thor- 
ough-bred horse bounded over the field with a motion as 
elastic and nearly as rapid as the deer springs from the 
hounds. Arnold was a splendid rider, and the martial 
spirit which animated him, and the magnetism of the rush- 
ing, powerful animal beneath him, thrilled his whole frame 
almost to frenzy as he dashed through the storm of smoke 
and fire and lead.^ 

" Fast, fast, with heels' -wild spurnirg-, 
The dark brown charger sped; 

He burst throug-li ranks of figliting men; 
He sprang o'er heaps of dead." 

"General Arnold," says Lossing, "had watched with eager eye 
and excited spirit the course of the battle thus far. Deprived 
of all command, he had no authority even to fght, much les.s 
to order. Smarting under the indignity heaped upon him by his 
commander, thirsting for that glory which beckoned him to the 
field, burning with a patriotic desire to serve his country, now 
bleeding at every pore, and stirred by the din of battle around him, 

1. He enjoys the confidence and affection of officers and soldiers. They wouKl 
to a man follow him to victory or death. ' — Livingston Letter quoted. 

2. His conduct recalls Scott's fine description of Marmlon, in the battle of Fiod- 

deu Field: 

" Like a thunderbolt, 

" First in the vanguard made a halt, 
When such a shout there rose 
Of ' Marmion ! Marmion ! ' that the cry 
Up Flodden mountains shrilling high, 
Startled the Scotish foes." 

—Cmi'o VL 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TKEASOX. 199 

the brave soldier becume fairly maddened by his emotions, and leaping' 
upon his large brown horse, he started off on a full gallop for the field 
of conflict. Gates immediately sent Major Armstrong after him to order 
him back. Arnold saw him approaching, and anticipating his errand, 
spurred his horse and left his pursuer far behind, while he placed him- 
self at the head of the regiments of Learned's brigade, who received 
their former commander with loud huzzas. He imniediaely led them 
against the British center, and with the desperation of a madman, rushed 
into the thickest of the fight, or rode along the lines in rapid and erratic 
movements, brandishing his broad-swcrd above his head, and delivering 
his orders everywhere in person. Armstrong kept up the chase for half 
an hour, but Arnold's course was so varied and perilous that ho gave 
it up. 

"The Hessians received the first assault of Arnold's trocps upon the 
British center with a brave resistance; but when, upon a second charge, 
he dashed furiously among them at the head of his men, they broke and 
fled in dismay. And now the battle became general along the whole 
lines. Arnold and Morgan were the ruling spirits that controlled the 
storm on the part of the Americans, and the gallant General Fraser was 
the directing soul of the British troops in action. His skill and courage 
were everywhere conspicuous. When the lines gave way, he brought 
order out of confusion; when regiments began to waver, he infused 
courage into them by voice and example. He was mounted upon a 
splendid iron-gray gelding, and, dressed in the full uniform of a field 
officer, he was a conspicuous object for the Americans. It was evident 
that the fate of the battle rested upon him, and this the keen eye and 
sure judgment of Morgan perceived. In an instant hii purpose was con- 
ceived, and calling a file of his best m-n around him, he said, as he 
pointed toward the British right, 'That gallant officer is General Fraser. 
T admire and honor him, but it is necessary he should die; victory for 
the enemy depends upon him. Take your stations in that clump of 
bushes, and do your duty.' ^ Within five minutes Fraser fell mortally 
wounded, and was carried to the camp by two grenadiers. Just previous 
to being hit by the fatal bullet, the crupper of his horse was cut by a 
rifle ball, and immediately afterward another passed through the horse's 
mane, a little back of his ears. 

" Tne aid of Fraser noticed this and said, ' It is evident that you are 
marked out for particular aim; would it not be prudent for you to retire 
from this place? ' Fraser replied, ' My duty forbids me to fly from dan- 
ger,' and the next moment he fell." 

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I. pp. 61-2; also Life of Schuyler, 
Vol. II, p. 366. 



200 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

In reo-ard to the death of Gen. Fraser, it is proper to 
state that Samuel Woodruff, of Windsor, Connecticut, a sar- 
geant in the American army, and a participator in the 
battle, gives the following account qf the death of that gal- 
lant officer : 

" Soon after the commencement of the action, Gen. Arnold, knowing 
the military character and efficiency of Gen, Fraser, and observing- his 
motions in leading and conducting the attack, said to Colonel Morgan, 
' that officer upon the gray horse is of himself a host, and must be dis- 
posed of; direct the attention of some of the sharpshooters among your 
riflemen, to him." Morgan nodded his assent, repaired to his riflemen, 
and made known to them the hint given by Arnold. Immediately upon 
this the crupper of the gray horse was cut by a rifle ball,^ and soon 
Fraser received his mortal wound. 

This statement is corroborated by Neilson.^ 
This account does not, it will be observed, conflict with 
the statement in regard to Morgan, but only adds, that the 
cruel, but perhaps in a military point of view, important 
suo-o-estion, oriojinated with Arnold. It is difficult not to 
condemn this order. The impulse of every generous heart 
is, that the gallant soldier should have the chance of escape 
withjut being singled out for death. But the American 
officers w^ere fighting for their country. Arnold and Mor- 
gan believed the death of Fraser was necessarj^, and there- 
fore ffave the fatal order. AVhen Fraser fell, a panic seized 
the British, and the whole line gave way and fled behind 
their entrenchments. The Americans followed, and, I again 
(pote from the Field Book of the Kevolution: 

"The conflict was now terrible indeed, and in the midst of the flame, 
and smoke, and metal hail, Arnold was conspicuous. His voice, clear as 
a trumpet, animated the soldiers, and as if ubiquitous, he seemed to be 
everywhere amid the perils at the same moment. With a part of the 
brigades of Patterson and Glover, he assaulted the works occupied 
by the light infantry under Earl Balcarras, and at the point of the 

' 1. stone's Campaign of General Burgoyne, pp. 324 325. 

2. "Morgan, ai the suggestion of Arnold, took a few of his riflemen aside," and 
gave them the order to pick off Fraser as nUtQii.—Burgoynjs Campaiijus, by 
Charles Neilsoii. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 201 

bayonet drove the enemy from a strong abatis, through which he at- 
tempted to force his way into the camp. He was obliged to abandon 
the effort, and dashing forward toward the right flank of the enemy, ex- 
posed to the cro;S-fire of the contending armies,^ he met Learned's brig- 
ade advancing to make an 9,ssault upon the British works at an open- 
ing in the abatis, between Balcarras' light infantry and the German right 
flank defense under Colonel Breyman. Canadians and loyalists defended 
this part of the line, and were flanked by a stockade redoubt on each 
side. 

"Arnold placed himself at the head of the brigade, and moved rap- 
idly on to the attack. He directed Colonel Brooks to assault the redoubt, 
while the remainder of the brigade fell upon the front. The contest was 
furious, and the enemy at length gave way, leaving Breyman and his 
Germans completely exposed. At this moment Arnold galloped to the 
left and ordered the regiments of Wesson and Livingston and Morgan's 
corps of riflemen to advance and make a general assault. At the head 
of Brooks' regiment, he attacked the German works. Having found the 
sally-port, he rushed within the enemy's intrenchments. The Germans, 
who had seen him upon his steed in the thickest of the fight for more 
than two hours, terrified at his approach, fled in dismay, delivering a 
volley in their retreat which killed Arnold's horse under him and 
wounded the General himself very severely in the same leg which had 
been badly lacerated by a musket ball at the storming of Quebec, two 
years before. 

"Here, wounded and disabled, at the head of conquering troops led 
on by his valor to the threshold of victorj^ Arnold was overtaken by Ma- 
jor Armstrong, who delivered to him Gates' order to return to camp, 
fearing he ' might do some rash thing! ' He indeed did a rash thing in 
the eye of military discipline. He led troops to victory without an order 
from his commander. His conduct was rash, indeed, compared with the 
stately method of General Gates, who directed by orders from his camp 
what his presence should have sanctioned. While Arnold was videlding 
the fierce sickle of war without, and reaping golden sheaves for Gates' 
garner, the latter (according to Wilkinson) was within his camp, more 
intent upon discussing the merits of the Revolution with Sir Francis 
Clark, Burgoyne's aid-de-camp, who had been wounded and taken pris- 
oner, and was lying upon the commander's bed at his quarters, than upon 
winning a battle all-important to the ultimate triumph of those princi- 
ples for which he professed so warm an attachment. When one of Gates' 
aids came up from the field of battle for orders, he found the General very 

1. Wilkinson says: "This would have been deemed Incredible if Gen. Scott 
had not performed the same 'mad prank^ at Lundy's Lane." 



202 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

angry because Sir Francis would not allow the forc9 of his arguments. 
He left the room, and, calling his aid after him, asked as they went out, 
'Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b — h?' Poor Sir Francis 
died that night upon Gates' bed. 

" It is a curious fact," says Sparks, "that an officer who really had 
not command in the army, was the leader of one of the most spirited 
and important battles of the Revolution. His madness or rashness, or 
whatever it may be called, resulted most fortunately for himself. The 
wound he received at the moment of rushing into the arms of danger 
and of death, added fresh lustre to his military glory, and was a new 
claim to public favor and applause." ^ 

The following is the account of Arnold's conduct in the 
action, given by General Carrington in his "Battles of the 
American Revolution." 

" At this stage of the battle, Arnold, no longer under self-control, 
burst from the camp, and, like a meteor, rode to the front of Learned's 
brigade, which had been so recently under his command, and dashed 
into the fight. He was cheered as he rode past, and like a whirlwind 
the regiments went with him upon the broken British lines Fraser fell 
mortally wounded in this assault, and swiftly behind the half crazy vol- 
unteer came Tenbroeck with a force nearly double that of the whole 
British line. That line was now in full retreat. Phillips and Riedesel, 
as well as Burgoyne, who took command in person, exhibited marvelous 
courage in an hour so perilous, and withdrew the troops with creditable 
self-possession and skill, but nothing could stop Arnold. Wherever he 
found troops he assumed command, and by the magnetism of his will 
and passion, he became supreme in daring endeavor. With a part of 
the brigades of Patterson and Glover, he assaulted the intrenchments of 
Earl Balcarras, but was repulsed. To the right of Earl Balcarras, the 
Canadians and Royalists were posted under cover of two stockade re- 
doubts. Arnold here again met Learned's brigade, took the lead, and 
with a single charge cleared these works, leaving the left of Breyman's 
position entirely exposed. Without waiting for the result of the further 
attack at this point, he lode directly in front of Breyman's intrench - 
mens under fire, and meeting the regiments of Wesson and Livingston 
and Morgan's rifle corps, which had made the entire compass of the 
British right, he ordered them forward, and then riding on with a por- 
tion of Brooks' regiment which joined at that moment, he turned the in- 
trenchments of Breyman, entered the sally-port and was shot, with his 
horse, as the victory was achieved." ^ 

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. Cm. 

2. Carrington's Battles of the American Kevolutioii, p. -'AS. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 203 

Sparks, pei-liaps the most careful of all writers upon 
Hevolutionary history, and wlio is never extravagant in his 
language, says: 

" The brilliant manoeuvre with which the engagement was closed, the 
assault of the enemy's works, and driving the Hessians from their en- 
campment, was undoubtedly owing in the first case to Arnold. He gave 
the order, and by his peysoual bravery set an example to the troops 
which inspired them with ardor, and hurried them forward. He was shot 
through the leg while riding' gallantly into the sally-poit, and his horse 
fell dead under him. The success of the assault was complete, and 
crowned the day with victory." ^ 

"Gates was not on the field, nor indeed did he leave 
liis encampment during either of the battles of Bemis' 
Heights."' 

Tliere is little doubt that Arnold went to the field on this 
day reckless of his life, and perhaps intending to seek death 
by the most hazardous exposure, but he meant to die victo- 
rious, and death at the moment of victory would have been 
welcome. When on the mornine- of the twentv-first of 
August, he started from German Flats to march across the 
bloody field of Oriskany to relieve Fort Schuyler, expecting 
to meet a superior force, lie says : " You will hear of my 
being victorious, or — no onore!^ 

His conduct on the field the seventh of October, shows 
that his excitement amounted almost to frenzy. During 
the progress of the battle, wishing to pass rapidly from the 
right to the left, " he dashed through the fire of the two 
lines, and escaped unhurt."* 

It is said by AVilkinson, that while encouraging his troops, 
Arnold, in a state of furious distraction, struck an ofiicer 
with his sword, "believed to be Captain Ball, of Dearborn's 
infantry." Sparks, alluding to the incident, says when the 

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 118. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 119, 

:i. Gates' Papers. Letter from Arnold to Gates, Aug. 21, 1777. MSS. 
4. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 173. 



204 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

officer, on the following day, ^'demanded redress, Arnold 
declared his entire ignorance of the act and expressed his 
regret." * 

Foster, of ]^ew London, late a Senator of the United 
States from Connecticut, at the Centennial celebration of 
this battle, on the 7th of October, 1877, relates an interest- 
ino* incident in relation to Arnold. Senator Foster's father 
was adjutant of a Connecticut regiment made up in part of 
recruits from New London and ^Norwich, Arnold's birth- 
place. He says: "The earliest recollection of my boyhood 
was sitting on my father's knee and listening to the stories 
of the march, the camp and the battle-field. I well recol- 
lect hearing my father say that Arnold came dashing along 
the line, the speed at Avhich he rode leaving his aid far 
behind him, and as he came up to my father's regiment he 
called out, 'Whose regiment is this?' My father replied: 
'Colonel Latimer's, sir.' 'Ah!' said Arnold, 'my old 
Norwich and New London friends. God bless you! lam 
glad to see you. Now come on, boys; if the day is long 
enough, we'll have them all in hell before night.' General 
Arnold was a native of Norwich, and was born within fifty 
yards of my house in that town." "^ 

As Arnold's horse fell under him, and he received a shot 
through his thigh, breaking the bone, he cried to his sol- 

1. Life of Arnold, p. 118. It has been suggested that in the fury and frenzy of his 
desperate charge, that this blow may have been accidental. 

2 Manuscript letters from Senator Foster to the author, dated Oct. 27th, 1777 : 
" The Daily Saratoglan, which I enclose, contains a pretty full statement of what I 
have heard my father say of General Arnold's conduct on the battle-field. I recol- 
lect further hearing my father speak of Arnold's impatience and fretfulness with 
the surgeon, who on looking hastily at his wounded leg, expres ed some appre- 
hension that amputation might be necessary. * * * He led the party that 
stormed Burgoyne's camp, after his men fell back to it ; although it was not taken, 
lie certainly inspired the men with a large portion of his own impetuousity, for 
they rushed on to the assault with shouts and cheers and yells; so I have heard 
my father and uncle both say. 

"Very truly your friend, etc., 

" L. F. S. Foster." 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 205 

diers, "Knsli on, my brave boys, rnslionl"^ Accordino- 
to a statement of Nicholas Stoner, Arnold was shot by a 
wounded German private. An American soldier, seeing 
his General fall, rushed forward and was about to run the 
wounded German through with his bayonet, but Arnold, 
though prostrate and bleeding, seeing that the soldier was 
helpless, cried, "Don't hurt him, he did but his duty ; he is 
a fine fellow! " ' Thus he saved the life of this soldier who 
had just shot him. This, Stone justly characterizes as an act 
of " true chivalry." ' He who could thus save the life of a 
helpless enemy, while writhing from a wound just inflicted 
by that enemy, could not have been wanting in generosity. 
This was the hour for Benedict Arnold to have died ! Had 
he been so fortunate as to have died of the wound received 
at the moment of victory, and immediately following an 
act of chivalry, of which I can recall no parallel, few sol- 
diers in American history would have achieved a prouder 
fame. Arnold was mounted on this day, upon a beautiful 
dark horse named " Warren," after his old friend, the hero 
and " martyr" of Bunker Hill." Wilkinson says, " It may 
be remembered by several who now live that Arnold rode 
on that day a black or dark brown horse, * ^'' * and I 
well recollect observing: the bodv of the horse the mornin^'* 
after, in the rear of the German encampment." ^ 

1. Letter of E. Mattoon, quoted in Stone's Campaign of Gen. John Burgoyne, 
p. 375. 

2. stone's Campaign of Burgoj-ne, p. 66. 

3. " A private by the name of John Redman, seeing his General wounded, ran 
up to bayonet the offender, but was prevented by Arnold, who, with true chivalry, 
exclaimed, ' He is a fine fellow— do not hurt him.' This was told, in 1S48, to I. R. 
Simons, by Nicholas Stoner, the celebrated fcout, who was an eye-witness of the 
circumstance." — Stone's Burgoyne' s Campaign, p. 66. 

4. Headley's Washington and his Generals, p. 183. 

5. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 274. 

There is a conflict in the statements by Col. Wilkinson and Major Lewis, in 
regard to the horse which Arnold rode at the battle of Saratoga. Wilkinson, as we 
have quoted, says the one rode on the 7th of October was a black horse, belonging 
to Leonard Chester ; and Lewis, as quoted by Mr. Sparks, states the animal was a 



206 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

The British officers killed were Colonel Breyman, Sir 
Francis Clarke and the gallant and lamented General Era- 
ser. Burgoyne himself had a very narrow escape, two rifle 
halls passing through his clothes; while of the Americans, 

beautiful Spanish horse, which had belonged to Gov. Skene, but now was the prop- 
erty of Col. Lewis, and borrowed for the occasion. Wilkinson says he saw the 
horsa the next day dead, and is probably correct. How Arnold came to ride a bor- 
rowed horse is explained in the following note from Arnold to Colonel Lamb: 
'• My sister writes me she sent one of my horses to Peekskill, about 25th of July, to 
be forwarded to me, and that she intended sending another the lasi of July. I have 
received neither, and beg the favor of Col. Oswald to make inquiries for them, as 
he knows the horses,— the one a sorrel stallion, and the other a sorrel mare. I wish 
him, if they can be found, to send them to Albany, to the Dept. Quartermaster- 
General. 
—See Life of Lcmb, 2)- 172. " Ycurs, B. A." 

Arnold, it is said, gave an order to Lewis on Ihe Quartermaster for the mare, in 
place of the one shot, and it is said none was there. It is not improbable the above 
note will explain this order consistently with his integrity, and if so, show how 
liable all persons are to do injustice who hear, only one side of a case, without ex- 
planation. 

It is quite clear that previous to his treason, while Arnold had enemies, his 
friends were as warm and devoted as his enemies were bitter. Among the former 
was General Lamb, who afterwards, while condemning his treason with the utmost 
severity, would never suffer the reputation of Arnold as a soldier to be questioned, 
or his courage and conduct on the field impeached without defending both. 

"Some years afterwards, when dining at Putnam's headquarters, in company 
with one of Gates' brigadiers who had served at Saratoga, the name of Arnold was 
.introduced, when ' covfusioji to the traitor' was drank with great unanimity. And 
when his demerits had been freely discussed, Colonel Lamb remarked that it was a 
pity so good a soldier, and a man of such consummate courage should become so 
despicable a villain." 

" 'Consummate courage, sir ! ' said Gen. G.: ' where has he ever exhibited any proof 
of such quality?' 'Sir,' said Col. Lamb, 'you astonish me by the question. In my 
judgment, it would be more difficiilt to point out an instance where he has not 
given ample evidence of bravery, than to enumerate the instances of his intre- 
pidity. I was with him at the storming of Quebec, and at the battle of Compo ; and 
am somewhat qualified to judge ; and if these exploits are not sufficient, the battle 
of the 7th Oct., in 1777, and the storming of the German intrenchments, would 
add strength to ray testimony.' ' Pshaw ! Sir,' was the rejoinder ; ' mere Dutch cour- 
age: He was driink, sir.' ' Sir,' said Col. Lamb, ' let me tell you, that drunk or sober, 
you will never be an Arnold, or fit to compare with him in any military capacity.' 
' What do you mean by that, sir?' exclaimed Gen. G. 'Literally and emphatically 
what I say,' was the answer. Here Putnam (who lisped) broke in : 'Whath all thith?' 
he said; 'God, cuth it, gentlemen, let the traitor go! Here 's Washington's health 
in a brimmer.' This ended the conversation, and the matter was not pushed to 
farther arbitrament."— Xi/e and Times of Lamb, p. 2G2. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 209 

were true. '' Gates will be indebted to liim for the a'lorv 
lie may acquire by the victory." ^ Arnold's blood watered 
tlie laurels which now encircled the brow of Gates. There 
is, says De Qnincy, a Xemesis w^hich haunts the steps of 
those who become illnstrious by appropriating the trophies 
of their brothers. Gates ungenerously appropriated the 
honors due to Arnold and to Schuyler, and has passed into 
merited disgrace. • 

Burgoyne abandoning his sick and wounded, attempted 
to retreat to Saratoga. Here he found himself completely 
surrounded. Stark, with two thousand men, held the river 
at Fort Edward, and his whole camp was exposed to cannon 
and rifle shot, and the firing upon him was constant. On the 
ITth the terras of capitulation were signed, and his whole 
army surrendered, the Americans obtaining forty-two 
pieces of the best brass ordnance then existing, a large 
quantity of ammunition, and 4,600 muskets. The British 
loss in this campaign is estimated at ten thousand men.'^ 

On Monday, ISTov. 4tli, Colonel Wilkinson laid before 
Congress the papers in relation to the surrender of Bur- 



s^'"""' 



goyne. 



1. Letter from Schuyler to Varick, before quoted. 

2. In a letter to General Schuyler from Col.Varick, dated "Albany, October 30th. 
1777/' (Schuyler Papers) he says : 

" General Arnold is growing better very fast. He requests his compliments to you 
He is in expectation of accompanying you to Congress. He is not satisfied with 
Gates' convention (with Burgoyne). He thinks we might have caught them on more 
advantageous terms than we have." * * (Burgoyne and his army did not become 
absolute prisoners to be exchanged, only agreeing not to serve again during the 
war ) 

" Great part of Gates' army is still here. They have destroyed 'almost all the 

fences. Among others you have a great share of loss. Mrs. Schuyler's poultry and 

garden have suffered in defiance of every order and threat." 

And again he writes : 

"Nov. 1.1777. 

"General Arnold is growing better daily. So is also Major Ackland, The for- 
mer censures Gates detaining the troops. He says they ought to have joined Gen- 
eral Washington. Gates is billiting 150 t in and about this ^\SiQ.e."— Schuyler Pjpers. 

3. "Colonel Wilkinson, Adjutant General in Gates' army, was made by him the 
bearer of dispatches to Congress, communicating the official intelligence of the 
surrender of Burgoyne, and the articles of capitulation. Wilkinson arrived at 

14 



210 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

On Tuesday Congress passed a vote of thanks to Generals 
Gates, Lincoln and Arnold, and "the other officers and sol- 
diers," for " their brave and successful efforts." * 

On the 29th General Washington was directed to issue a 
new commission to General Arnold, of such a date as to 
give him the precedence to which he was entitled.^ 

It will he remembered that his first promotion, from Col- 
onel to Brigadier-General, w^as given as a reward for his 
efforts in leading the army through the wilderness to Can- 
ada, and for his gallantry in the assault on Quebec. He was 
made a Major-General for his heroism at Ridgefield, where 
one horse was killed under him and another wounded, and 
when he escaped as by a miracle, but his proper rank had 
been hitherto refused by Congress. 

The victory at Saratoga, where, at each of the battles, he 
was the only Major-General on the field, his last brilliant and 
triumphant charge and his severe wound, brought to him 
the rank he had long before won, and now, at last, "Wash- 
ington enclosed his commission, saying: "You are re- 
stored to the rank you claim in the line of the army. Tliis 
(the commission) I transmit by direction of Congress." ^ 

Writing to Lincoln, a junior who had been promoted over 
Arnold, he says : " General Arnold is restored to a violated 
rights and the restitution I hope will be considered by every 

Easton, in Pennsylvania, on the 24th of October, and wrote from that place a line 
to General Washington, merely s-tating the fact of the surrender, the number of 
prisoners taken, and the nature of his errand to Congress, but not intimating that 
he had any authority from General Gates to make this communication to the Com- 
mander-in-Chief, nor enclosing a copy of the articles. 

" Wilkinson did not reach the seat of Congress till the 31st of October, fifteen days 
after the convention of Saratoga was signed, and then it took him three days to 
put the papers in order which he was to lay before Congress. It was on this occa- 
sion that one of the members made a motion in Congress that they should compli- 
ment Colonel Wilkinson with the gift of a pair of spurs."— &e Sparks' Writings of 
Washington. Vol. V, p. 114. 

1. Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 469, 1777. 

?.. Journals of Congress, Vol. III. p. 548, 1777. 

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 213. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AIs^D HIS TREASON. 213 

Arnold's impatience and chagrin must have been increased 
by the unmerited honors lavished by Congress upon Gates. 
So elated was Gates by the victory which had been secured by 
the wise preparation of Schuyler and by the valor and the 
skill of Arnold and Mor^-an, and their associates, who fouo-ht 

O ' 'ft 

the battles of Saratoga, that, in his arrogance, he made no 
report of the surrender of Burgoyne; to Washington, the 
Commander-in-Chief, but passed him by, in contemptuous 
neglect, reporting directly to Congress, and that body, 
instead of rebuking the insubordination, on the 4th of 
ISTovember voted that a gold medal should be struck in his 
lionor: "Horatio Gates, Duel Strenuo^ Comitia Ameri- 
cana^^ — Tlie American Congress to Horatio Gates, the 
gallant leader/ 

Arnold was carried in a litter from the camp at Saratoga 
to Albany, and remained there, completely disabled, during 
the autumn and much of the winter of 1777-8. On the 
24th of December, 1777, Dr. J. Brown, a surgeon in the 
Continental Army, writing of a visit to the hospital, says: 
" General Lincoln is in a fair way of recovery. * ^ He 
is the patient Christian, etc. "^ "^ ISTot so the gallant 
General Arnold, for his wound, though less dangerous in 
the beginning than Lincoln's, is not in so fair a way of heal- 
ing. He abuses us for a set of ignorant pretenders.^ 

Late in the winter or early spring, he was able to be 
moved to Connecticut, and it is said that on his way, in 
passing through Kinderhook, New York, his wound was 
still in such a condition that a door post had to be removed 
to make room for his litter to enter the house where he was 
to pass the night.^ 

He spent some time in Middletown, Connecticut, and on 

1. " General Gates was to be exalted upon the ruins of my reputation and influ- 
ence."— Tros/(m(7fo?t to Patrick Henry, Sparks' Writings of Washingtrw., Vol. V, p, 515. 

2. New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. XVIII, p. di. 
6. Henry C. Van S'choick, His. Magazine, Sept. 1778, p. 525. 



\ 



214 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

the 1st .t)f May, was able to reach his sister and liis old 
home in 'New Haven. A few days more than a year had 
passed since (April 27, 1777,) he had made the desperate 
fight at Hidgetield, and during that time he had made the 
campaign up the Mohawk, fought the battles near Saratoga, 
and he now returned to his friends and neighbors the popu- 
lar hero of the campaign of 1777. But the recognition of 
his great services by Congress was cold. Gates, who had 
not been under fire, was loaded with honors bought by 
Arnold's blood. The people, however, impulsive and gen- 
erous, received their " fighting general" on his return to his 
native State with acclamations. The oflScers of the army, 
the militia, the cadet company, and a throng of the most 
respectable citizens of Is"ew Haven went out to welcome 
the gallant and still suffering soldier, to testify their 
esteem and conduct him to his home. A salute of thirteen 
guns announced to his devoted sister and to his proud and 
eager sons his approach.* 

From the campaign of 1777, and the surrender of Bur- 
goyne, the name of Arnold became a familiar word at 
many a home and beside the fireside of many a log cabin 
on the banks of the Hudson, the Mohawk, and the JSTew 
York lakes, as well as in New England, and was honored 
and cherished until he himself brought disgrace upon it. 

I have spoken of the cold recognition of Arnold's ser- 
vices by Congress, but it was otherwise with the Com- 
mander-in-Chief. Thatcher, in his '' American Rev'olution," 
says : 

" It is but justice to confess that by liis military phrensy, or romantic 
heroism, Arnold contributed to the honor and success of that day (battle 
of Oct. 7th). General Washington had a high sense of his gallantry, 
and presented him with a pair of elegant pistols." ^ 

And on the 20th of January, when transmitting the 

1. Connecticut Journal, May 6th, 1778. 

2. Appendix to Thatcher's American Revolution, p. 4G8. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 215 

ante-dated commission, so long witlilield by Congress, con- 
ferring upon Arnold the rank he had claimed, and directed 
to him at Albany, where he was still confined by his 
wounds, Washington closes his letter by saying: 

'*May I venture to ask whether you are upon your legs again? If you 
are not, may I flatter myself that yuu will be soon? There is none who 
wishes more sincerely for this event than I do, or who will receive the 
information with more pleasure. * * * As soon as your situation 
will permit, I request that you will repair to this army, it being my 
earnest wish to have your services the ensuing campaign." * 

A few days after Arnold reached 'New Haven, lie receiv^ed 

the following letter from Washington: 

'•Valley Forge. 7 May, 1778. 
" Dear Sir: — 

" A gentleman in France having very obligingly sent me three sets of 
epaulettes and sword-knots, two of which, professsdly, to be disposed of 
to any friends I should choose, I take the liberty of presenting them to 
you and General Lincoln, as a testimony of my sincere regard and ap- 
probation of your conduct. I have been informed by a Brigade- Mnjor 
of General Huntington's, of j^our intention of repairing to camp 
shortly; but, notwithstanding my wish to see you, I must beg that j'ou 
will run no hazard by coming out too soon. 

" I am sincerely and affectionately your obedient, etc."' 

This testimony of Washington's "sincere regard and ap- 
probation " of Arnold's "conduct" and of his sympathy 
and affection, were very gratifying, and it seems to me, 
coming from one who knew him so well, is entitled to 
great consideration in judging of Arnold's character and 
conduct previous to his treason. 

I now come to other incidents in the life of Arnold 
which show that, with all his faults, his heart was warm 
with gratitude and generosity; and that he had formed a 
friendship for General Warren, which survived the death 
of that heroic man, and was manifested in a most liberal 
manner towards, his children. 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 216. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 3G1. 



216 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARXOLD. 

It will be remembered that General Warren, at the time 
of Arnold's visit to Cambridge, in 1775, was chairman of 
the Committee of Safety, and was an active friend of Ar- 
nold's in his expedition to Ticonderoga and St. Johns. The 
friendship then formed, and Arnold's grateful recollections 
of "Warren's kindness, were not obliterated bj time nor by 
the vicissitudes of a soldier's life. Warren, when killed at 
Bunker Hill, left four children, Elizabeth, Joseph, Mary 
and Richard, all of them under twelve years of age, and 
their only inheritance was the name made so illustrious by 
the patriotism and death of their father.^ In the spring 
of 1778, Arnold learned that these children of his friend 
were in want, and that no one had as yet made any pro- 
vision for them. He was not at tliis time a rich man; he 
had expended large sums of his own money in the public 
service, and his accounts had not been settled and paid by 
Congress; yet he did not hesitate in affording liberal aid. 
In a letter to Miss Mercy Scollay, he says : 

"About three months ago I was informed that my late worthy friend 
General Warren, left his affairs unsettled, and that, after paying his debts, 
a very small matter, if anything, would remain for the education of his 
children, who, to my great surprise, I find have been entirely neglected 
by the State. Permit me to beg your continuing your care of the daugh- 
ter, and that you will at present take charge of the education of the son. 
I make no doubt that his relations will consent that he shall be under 
your care. My intention is to use my interest with Congress to provide 
for the family. If they decline it, I make no doubt of a handsome col- 
lection by private subscription. At all events, / will provide for them in 
a manner suitable to their birth, and the grateful sentiments I shall ever 
feci for the memory of my friend. I have sent to you by Mr. Hancock 
five hundred dollars for the present. I wish you to have Richard clothed 
handsomely, an:l sent to the best school in Boston. Any expense you are 
at, please call on me for, and it shall be paid with thanks." ^ 

The above letter was written July 15th, 1778. In tlie 

following letter to Dr. Townsend, dated Aug. 6th, 1778, 

there are interesting details on the same subject. 

1. Life of Joseph Warren, by Frotliingham. pp. 542-43. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 127. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 217 

" I wrote you some time since, respecting the children of my late 
worthy friend, and requested the favor of your putting Richard to a 
school, and soliciting Miss Scollay to keep Betsey. Soon after 1 was in- 
formed you had left Boston, and as it was uncertain if you would receive 
my letter, I wrote Miss Scollay by Mr. Hancoek, and sent her five hundred 
dollars, requesting her to take particular care of the education of Betsey, 
and prevail, if possible, with the relations to have Richard sent to the 
best school in Boston at my expense. Mr. Hancock has promised to me 
his interest to have the children taken care of. I shall apply to Congress 
soon. If they decline, make no doubt of a handsome collection by 
private subscriptions. At all events, am determined they shall be pro- 
vided for, which fortune has put in mj' power to effect. I shall be glad 
to hear from you at all times and am. Dr. Townsend, 

"Your Friend and Humble Servant, 

"B. Aknold."! 

From a letter writteo bv Samuel Adams to Elbridoje 
Gerry and James Lovell, dated Dec. 20tli, 1779, I make 
the folio wins: extract: 

" The two younger children, a boy of about seven years, and a girl 
somewhat older, are in the family of John Scollay, Esq., under the par- 
ticular care of his daughter, at her most earnest request; otherwise, I sup- 
pose, they would have been taken care of by their relations at Roxbury, 
and educated as farmer's children usually are. Miss Scollay deserves the 
greatest praise for b'er attention to them. She is exceedingly well quali- 
fied for her charge; and her affection for their deceased father prompts 
her to exert her utmost to inculcate in the minds of these children those 
principles which may conduce * to render them worthy of the relation 
they stood in ' to him." ^ 

*' General Arnold has assisted, by generously ordering five hundred 
dollars towards their support. This I was informed of when I was last 
in Philadelphia. I called on him, and thanked him for his kindness to 
them. Whether he has done more for them since I cannot say. " * 

The generous sentiments of Arnold for the children of 
Warren continued to be manifested bj occasional supplies 
of money, as promised in his letter to Miss Scollay. 

1. New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol, IX, p. 122. 

2. Miss Scollay is said to have been engaged to be married to General Warren, 
as his second wife, at the time of his death. 

3. Frothingham's Life of Warren, p. 453. 



218 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD. 

" Arnold made application to Corgrefs for provision for these children, 
and the application was referred to a committee who reported 'that the 
three younger children of General Warren sh3uld be maintained at the 
public expense, in a manner suitable to their rank in life, till they should 
come of age, and at that time one thousand pounds should be given to 
each as a portion ' If this report was ever called up, it did not receive the 
sanction of Congress. Arnold persevered, however, in his solicitation, 
and at last the point was cairied to allow for the support of these children 
the half-pay of a major general from the date of their father's death till 
the youngest should be oi' age. 

"General Warren had been dead five years, and the annual amount of 
half-pay was somewhat more than thirteen hundred dollars, making the 
sum due nearly seven thousand dollars, besides the future stipend. 
In the congratulatory letter which Arnold wrote to Miss Scollay on this 
event, only six weeks before the consummation of his treachery, he reit- 
erated his ardent concern for the welfare of the children, but complained 
that his application to Congsess had been opposed from the beginning by 
all the Massachusetts delegates except one. They looked upon the case 
as appertaining only to the State of Massachusetts, and as not coming 
within the jurisdiction of Congress. Others had the same opinion. The 
success of the measure, which every benevolent mind must heartily 
approve, may be fairly ascribed to the zeal and perseverance of Arnold." * 

The letter of General Arnold to Miss Scollay, referred 

to by Sparks in the preceding quotation, is as follows: 

"Peaks Hill, Augt. 3rd, 1780. 
" Dr. Madam: — 

" I must ask pardon for not answering your several letters before, in 
particular the one of the 7th inst. I do assure you it was not inatten- 
tion, but a hope (deferred from time to time) of giving you an accot- 
of the success of my application to Congress in favor of the orphans of 
the late General Warren, which I hope you will admit as an apology 
I now have the pleasure to inform you that my application has so far suc- 
ceeded (notwithstanding it has been opposed from the beginning by the 
Delegates of the State of Massachusetts Bay, except by Mr. Holton. 
Mr. Gerry, in particular, did everything in his power to prevent the 
Success of the Appli'n), that Congress have at last Resolved that the 
three youngest children (the oldest being provided for) shall receive the 
Half pay of a Major-General from the Death of the General untill they 
are of age, which will amount to three hundred pounds pr. annum, C. 
(Continental) money, in Specie or an equivalent, so that there is five 

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 128. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AKD HIS TKEASOX. 219 

years' pay due, amtg. to the Sum of £1500 in Specie, which the States is 
by the Resolution of Congress requested to pay, and to provide the Edu- 
cation and clothing, &c., of the Children. 

When application was made to Congress, Mr. Gerry opposed it as dis- 
agreeable to the Southern States, and a provision which ought to be 
made by the State of Massachusetts Bay; when a private subscription 
was handed about, he opposed it as dishonorable to the State and the 
particular friends and relations of the late General, so that a trifle was 
subscribed and nothing collected. It has not been want of Inclination, 
but want of ability which has prevented my remitting you the ballance 
for the expense of the children. The PubHc are indebted to me for a con- 
siderable Sum which I advanced for them in Canada, and for four years 
pay which I cannot obtain, I must request you will present the Acco't 
of expenses incurred to the Presid't and Council of Massachusetts Bay 
without any mention of my name, and request payment, which I make not 
the least doubt, they will not only Comply with but reimburse the Sum 
advanced. In a hurry I forgot the Resolution of Congress; I have this day 
wrote to Philadelphia for it. When it arrives I will Inclose it to you. If 
the State refuses to pay the Acco't., I shall esteem myself obliged to. But 
as the Resolution of Congress makes ample provision for them, they will 
not stand in need of the assistance of Individuals in future. The Gen- 
eral Officers of the Army have within a few days presented a Spirited 
Memorial to Congress in behalf of the Widows and orphans of all those 
who have fell in the Service of their Country since the Commencement of 
the war, and I am not without hopes of our Succeeding in it. Your ob- 
servations on the Charitable disposition of People of oppulence is very Just. 
Charity, urbanity, and the Social Virtues Seem swallowed up in the tu- 
mult and Confusion of the times, and self wholly engrosses the nabobs of 
the present day. I am much obliged to you for your tender of services, 
and shall be happy at any time to receive a letter from you, and to hear 
of the welfare of your charge, as I feel myself greatly interested in their 
happiness, and hope you will be enabled to resume the charge of them 
soon. Please to present my love to them, and believe me, with great 
regard and esteem, Madam, 

" Your Obed., Hble. Svt., 

"B.Arnold." 

" I wish you' would be good enough to consult with your Friends, as a 
proper method of obtaining the Ballance due you of the State; which I 
think they cannot, with any Face of Justice, refuse when they have the 
Resolution of Congress. But if that should be the Case, you will please 
to make out a particular acco't in Specie of the whole Sum you have ad- 
vanced, and credit the Sum you have received, that the Ballance may 



220 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD. 

appear. For which I may possibly honor an order of Congress for pay- 
ment. 

*'B. A.i 

"Miss SCOLLAY." 

The action of Cougress referred to was as follows: on the 
firstof July, 1780. 

"On motion of Mr. Livingstone, seconded by Mr. Adams, Congress 
came to the following resolutions : 

"Whereas, Congress have thought proper to erect a monument to 
the memory of Major-General Warren, in consideration of his distin- 
guished merit and bravery, and to make provision for the education of 
his eldest son; and whereas, it appears no adequate provision can be 
made out of his private fortune for the education and maintenance of his 
three younger children : therefore, 

Resolved, That it be recommended to the Executive of Massachusetts 
Bay to make provision for the maintenance and education of the said 
three children of the late Major-general Warren. 

Resolved, That Congress will defray the expense thereof, to the 
amount of the half-pay of a major-general, to commence at the time of 
his death, and continue until the youngest of the said children shall be of 
age." « 

1. Certified from Derartment of State at Washington. 

2. rrothingham's Life of Joseph Warren, p. 644. 

The following is a statement of monies advanced and paid to Miss Mercy 
Scollay, copied from the day-book of General Benedict Arnold, in his own hand- 
writing, now in the oflace of the Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 
at Harrisburg, p. 3. 

" 1778. Miss Mercy Scollay to cash Dr. 

July 15. To 500 dollars for expenses on acct. of the late Genl. Warren's 

children, £150." 

(This appears by Arnold's letter to Miss Scollay to have been sent by Hancock.) 

[Page 16.] 

" Feb. 19, 1779. Miss Mercy Scollay, Dr. 

" To cash 500 dollars for the use of the late Gen. Warren's children, sent by 
Lieut. Peter Richards." 

There are several accounts of curious interest in this book; among others, one 
with Gen. Washington. There are accounts with ships "Mars" and "Jonathan," 
the sloop " Active," the " Charming Nancy," and schooner " General Arnold." 

Among the charges are items for arms furnished. There are large transactions 
with his sister, Hannah Arnold; showing that she was entrusted with important 
business affairs for him." 

There are accounts with " Hen. Silas Deane," and items with him about the time, 
or soon after, his marriage, for brocades, striped satin, silk, white and green, linen, 
cambric, etc.; also accounts with his butler, Ben Provost, for family expenses. Also, 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 221 

Sncli was the action of this so-called "sordid," "avaric- 
ious" " and grasping" man towards the children of a friend, 
who " had rendered him some, and the State great service." 

In the diary of the eminent surgeon, John C. Warren, 
who was a near relative of Joseph AYarren, dated 1799, at 
"Margate, England," is written: "I met General Arnold, 
the " traitor," so called. He was there with his family; I 
recollect a son, very handsome, and a daughter. Arnold 
was rather a stout man, broad shouldered, large black eyes. 
He walked lame from a wound received at the attack on 
Quebec, I think." 

In May, Arnold arrived at the camp of "Washington, at 
Yalley Forge. His wound still rendered him unfit for 
active service in the field, and as it was expected that the 
British would very soon evacuate Philadelphia, the 
Commander-in-Chief determined to give him the command 
of that city. This would be a new and untried theatre for 
one whose true place was on the battle-field. Happy would 
it have been for him if he could have remained with Wash- 
ington, and shared with his chief the perils and the glory 
of the war until the contest closed at Yorktown. 

The drama which now opened in the city of Penn, then 
the metropolis of the Union, presenting this brave soldier 
in the character of an ardent lover and successful suitor of 
the belle of Philadelphia, the young, fascinating and beau- 
tiful Peggy Shippen, and which ended so darkly at West 
Point, I will not enter upon until the next chapter. 

"April 2, 1779, Rev. Mr. Barth'w Booth, Dr. 

"To cash £600 lawful money, for schooling and boarding Ben and Richard two and 
a half years. To £300 for their expenses." These were his two children by his first 
wife. 



CHAPTER XII. 

ARNOLD'S COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE. 

" She loved me for the dangers I had passed, 
And I loved her that she did pity them," 

Philadelphia during the Revolution— Arnold Assumes Command and Succeeds 
Sir William Howr in Occupying the Penn House— The Shippen Family 
—Major John Andre— The " Mischienza"— Peggy Shippen, the Belle op 
Philadelphia— Arnold as her Suitor— His Courtship— Settles upon her 
Mt. Pleasant— His Marriage and Domestic Life— Letter op Hannah 
Arnold to Mrs. Arnold at West Point. 

On the 18th of June, 1778, the T3ritish army retired 
from Philadelphia, and on the 19th General Arnold, by 
direction of Washington, assumed command of that city. 
During the British occupation, the headquarters of Sir 
William Howe, commanding the British force, had been 
the mansion wliich was once the home of Governor Eichard 
Penn, the grandson of William Penn. This house w^as 
afterwards repaired by Pobert Morris, and occupied by 
President Washington, while the seat of government w^as 
at Philadelphia, and thus it became known as the " Wash- 
ington Mansion." 

The British army had taken possession of Philadelphia 
on the twenty-sixth of September, 1 777, and for the head- 
quarters of the commander they had selected what w^as 
then regarded as the finest house in the city. It was built 
of brick, and stood on the south-east corner of Front and 
Market streets, "a large, double house, and which w'itli its 

(222) 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOI^. 223 

offices extended bad: one hundred and twentj-one feet," 
and Eiish, in his reminiscences says of it, that in 1790 few, 
if any, equaled it in Philadelphia.' Here General Howe 
and his brilliant staff of officers and associates, passed a gay 
winter in 1777-'8. 

To such an extent were the gayeties and dissipations car- 
ried in this old Quaker city during that time, that Dr. 
Franklin said: " General Howe has not taken Philadelphia; 
Philadelphia has taken General Howe." He and his asso- 
ciates certainly seemed much more interested in the amuse- 
ments which occupied their time than in efforts to capture 
the army of General Washington. Philadelphia was then 
the most important city in America, and its social circles 
were among the most cultivated and aristocratic. The jren- 
try consisted largely of the old Quaker families and those 
connected with the Anglican church, and many of them 
possessed wealth, culture, courtly manners and dignified 
deportment. The ladies were already distinguished for 
their beauty, grace and intelligence. Chastellux, a Frencli 
traveler, says they were graceful and fascinating, and dressed 
with elegance. The majority of tlie so-called fashionable 
society people adhered to the crown, and cordially welcomed 
General Howe; and during his stay the young English offi- 
cers were the leaders and favorites in social gayeties and 
amusements. While the British were living' in luxury in 
the city, and indulging in all sorts of dissipation, the 
American army under Washington were enduring with 
heroic fortitude the hardships of Yallej^ Forge. Amono- 
the former, dinner-parties, cock-fights, amateur theatri- 
cal performances, and every amusement and dissipa- 
sipation idle men could desire, occupied their time. 
Among these gay and dashing young soldiers Major John 
Andre was a favorite. He was young, handsome and 

]. The Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 250. Rush's Reminiscences. 



224 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

graceful, and of purer morals and a more refined taste than 
many of his associates. He was a welcome guest in the 
house of Edward Shippen, a gentleman of rank, character 
and fortune, and of one of the most respected families in 
Philadelphia, and who, although he took no very decided part 
on either side during the war, and was generally regarded as a 
loyalist, yet such was his higli personal character, that he was, 
after its termination, elected Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. 
Andre, though a brave and efiicient soldier, was still more 
distinguished as a favorite in society, and was ever ready, 
both with his pen and pencil, to contribute to its amuse- 
ments. He wrote graceful verses, arranged plays for exhi- 
bition, painted scenery and drop-curtains, and was himself 
an accomplished actor. 

Among the amusements and gayeties of the winter of 
1778, was the celebrated Mischienza, a pageant, play and 
mock tournament, gotten up in honor of General Howe. 
It was a novel and splendid entertainment, and in conse- 
quence, perhaps, of the very prominent part taken in its 
preparation and performance by the unfortunate Major 
Andre, and the appearance in it of Miss Peggy Shi23pen, 
afterwards the wife of General Arnold, it has always been 
regarded with historic interest. The scene of this brilliant 
pageant, which took place on the eighteenth of May, 1778, 
was at Walnut Grove, the country seat of Joseph Wharton,^ 
a fine old country house, surrounded by a noble park of 
venerable trees, the grounds extending to the banks of the 
Delaware. 

The Queen of the Ilischiensa has represented Andre 
as " the charm of the company." He seems to have been 
the leader of the whole affair, and his costumes, verses, etc.. 
were all very clever. The knights and ladies who appeared 
were divided into two parties; one designated as that of 

1. Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 466. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 225 

the " Burning Mountain," and the other as the " Blended 
Rose." 

Among the other incidents of the spectacle was a tourna- 
ment, arranged and conducted in accordance with the cus- 
toms and usages of ancient chivalry. Knights, mounted 
on trained horses and armed as in the olden time; ladies 
dressed in brilliant costumes, with favors witli which they 
were to reward the knights who contended in their honor. 
The party designated as "The Knights of the Blended 
Rose," were led by Lord Cathcart, and with him were as- 
sociated six knights, each with his squire, and each selected 
one of the ladies in honor of whom he was to contend in 
the lists. 

Third on the list of this party was Captain John Andre, 
in honor of Miss P. Chew; his device, two game cocks 
fighting; motto. No Rival. The sixth knight of this 
party was Lieutenant Sloper, in honor of Miss M. Shippen; 
device, a heart and sword; motto. Honor ^ and the Fair. 

Captain Watson, of the guards, was the chief of the 
party, designated as " The Knights of the Burning Moun- 
tain," supported \>\ six knights, each attended by his squire, 
and each to contend in honor of the lacly of his choice. 
The second knight of those making up the party of " The 
Burning Mountain" was Lieutenant Winyard, in honor of 
Miss Peggy Shippen; device, a bay-leaf; motto, " uncJiange- 
ahle.^^ * These two parties, superbly mounted — those of 
the Blended Rose on gray, and those of the Burning Moun- 
tain on black horses — now contended in the lists, accord- 
ing to the rules of chivalry, with lance and shield 
and sw^ord, for the honor of their several ladies, "as supe- 
rior in wit, beauty and accomplishment to those of the 
whole world." After the tournament followed the bestowal 
of favors, a brilliant ball, splendid fireworks and illumina- 

1. Sargent's Life of Andre, p. 172, etc. 
15 



226 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARK^OLD. 

tions. Among these gay and brilliant actors Andre and 
Miss Sliippen, afterwards Mrs. Arnold, were conspicuons. 
This gay yonng soldier, and this lovely maiden, then only 
eighteen years of age, bright and joyons, mingling in 
scenes of romance and mimic chivalry, happy in the present, 
and hope lighting up all the future; happy that the veil 
was drawn, shutting out from the one his tragic death upon 
the scaffold, and from the other her clouded life, her exile 
from home and friends — yet a life devoted to duty in sooth- 
ing the perturbed spirit of a bitterly disappointed man, a 
life which opened so brilliantly to go out in darkness. The 
spectacle was altogether a very brilliant affair * * but 
l^rovoked much ridicule, and the inquiry was often made 
what had General Howe done, during his more than half- 
year's indolent and luxurious occupation of the citj^, to 
merit such an ovation ? 

As the British retired from the city, Arnold entered and 
assumed command, and took possession, as his headquarters, 
of the same Penn House which Howe had so lately occu- 
pied. 

AYliatever may have been the character of those who pre- 
ceded him, and however effeminate their amusements, he 
was no " carpet-knigbt." Not in the tilting yard, nor at the 
tournament, nor in any form of mimic w^ar, had his laurels 
been won. In the wilderness, by the severest hardships 
and sufferings, beneath the walls of Quebec, on the Lake, 
against the most decisive odds, on the field, in the midst of 
carnage and blood, had he earned the character which 
induced Washington to express a desire to have " his ser- 
vices the ensuing campaign,'' ^ and to ask him to join the 
main army, as soon as his wounds would permit active field 

service. 

* 

1. Washington to Arnold, January 20th, 1778, Sparks' Writings of Washington 
Vol. V, p. 21G. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 227 

It lias already been stated that the Shippen family was, 
at the time of the Revolution, one of the most distinaruished 
and respected in Philadelphia. Edward Shippen had three 
daughters who took part in the Mischien2a — Miss S. Ship- 
pen, Miss M. Shippen, and Miss Peggy Shippen, who became 
Mrs. Arnold.^ The latter was the " darling of tlie family cir- 
cle." Yonng, extremely beautiful and graceful, and with a 
magnetism, of person and manner which drew to her in love 
and admiration, everv one who came within her influence. 
Washington said to Lafayette, "Ah, Marquis, you young men 
are all in love with Mrs. Arnold." ^ Tarlton and other return- 
ing officers, after she went to London, reported that "she 
was the handsomest woman in England." The enthusiasm 
with which Hamilton, in his letter to Miss Schuyler, de- 
scribes her will not be forgotten. I have read her letters to 
her father, husband and family, from the time of her mar- 
riage to her death, and there is throughout an exhibition 
of filial tenderness and respect; a conjugal devotion, 
purity, elevation and dignity, which indicate a warm and 
affectionate heart, a Christian fortitude, and a cultivated 
intellect, rare as beantiful. 

"While Philadelphia was held by the British, as has been 
stated, courtesies were reciprocated between the families of 
wealth and social position and the British officers, and the 
brilliant Major Andre was a frequent and welcome visitor 
at the Shippen's; and there is yet preserved among them 
as an heir-loom, a pen-and-ink sketcli of Miss Peggy Ship- 
pen, in the costume of the Mischienza^ drawn by Andre. 
When Arnold took command in Philadelphia, crippled 
with honorable wounds in the service of his country, few 
soldiers in the American army had a higher reputation for 
skill, and none were more distinguished for personal cour- 

', 1. Sargent's Life of Andre, pp. 171-2. 
2. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 137. 



228 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

age. These are qualities wliicli the people always appre- 
ciate, and those possessing them have in all ages been the 
especial admiration of women. Arnold was still young, 
only thirty-six, of manly bearing, splendid physique, and yet 
bore visible marks, both in his appearance and his move- 
ments, of the wounds he had received. It is not surprising 
that he should have captivated the fancy and won the heart 
of the beautiful and fascinating Miss Shippen. 

A member of the Shippen family says " there can be no 
doubt the imagination of Miss Shippen was excited, and her 
heart captivated by the oft repeated stories of his gallant 
deeds, his feats of brilliant courage, and traits of generosity 
and kindness, such as his contributions towards the educa- 
tion of the orphan children of General Warren." ^ 

It was not long before he was the declared suitor for the 
hand of Miss Shippen. In a note to her father, asking his 
permission to address his daughter, Arnold says, among 
other things: 

"My fortune is not larg'e, though sufficient (not to depend upon my 
expectations) to make us both happy. I neither expect nor wish one 
with Miss Shippen. * * My pubHc character is well known; mj^ 
private one is, I hope, irreproachable. If I am happy in your approba- 
tion of my proposa's of an alliance, I shall most willingly accede to any 
you may please to make consistent with the duty I owe to three lovely 
children. Our difierence in political sentiments, will, I hope, be no bar 
to my happiness. I flatter myself the time is at hand when our unhappy 
contests will be at an end, and peace and domestic happiness be restored 
to every one." * * 

On the 25th of September, he made to her the following 
formal declaration of his love and offer of his hand; 

"Dear Madam: — 

" Twenty times have I taken up my pen to write to you, and as often 
has my trembling hand refused to obey the dictates of my heart — a 
heart which, though calm and serene amidst the clashing of arms and 
all the din and horrors of war, trembles with diffidence and the fear of 

1. Shippen Papers, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 229 

giving offence when it attempts to address you on a subject so important 
to its happiness. Dear madam, your charms have lighted up a flame in 
my bosom which can never be extinguished; your heavenly image is too 
deeply impressed ever to be effaced. 

" My passion is not founded on personal charms only: that sweetness 
of disposition and goodness of heart, that sentiment and sensibility which 
so strongly mark the character of the lovely Miss P. Shippen, renders 
her aimiable beyond expression, and will ever retain the heart she has 
once captivated. On you alone my happiness depends, and will you 
doom me to languish in despair? Shall I expect no return to the most 
sincere, ardent and disinterested passion? Do you feel no pity in your 
gentle bosom for the man who would die to make you happy? May I 
presume to hope it is not impossible I may make a favorable impression 
on your heart? Friendship and esteem you acknowledge. Dear Peggy, 
suffer that heavenly bosom (which cannot know itself the cause of pain 
without a sympathetic pang) to expand with a sensation more soft, 
more tender than friendship. A union of hearts is undoubtedly necessary 
to happiness; but give me leave to observe that true and permanent hap- 
piness is seldom the effect of an alHance founded on a romantic passion ; 
where fancy governs more than judgment. Friendship and esteem, found- 
ed on the merit of the object, is the most certain basis to build a lasting 
happiness upon; and when there is a tender and ardent passion on one 
side, and friendship and esteem on the other, the heart (unlike yours) 
must be callous to every tender sentiment if the taper of love is not 
lighted up at the flame. 

"I am sensible your prudence and the affection you bear your amiable 
and tender parents forbids your giving encouragement to the addresses 
of any one veithout their approbation. Pardon me, Dear Madame, for 
disclosing a passion I could no longer confine in my tortured bosom. I 
have presumed to write to your Papa, and have requested his sanction to 
my addresses. Suffer me to hope for your approbation. Consider be- 
fore you doom me to misery, which I have not deserved but by loving 
you too extravagantly. Consult your own happiness, and if incompatible, 
forget there is so unhappy a wretch; for may I perish if I would give 
you one moment's inquietude to purchase the greatest possible felicity to 
myself. Whatever my fate may be, my most ardent wish is for your 
happiness, and my latest breath will be to implore the blessing of heaven 
on the idol and only wish of m.y soul. 

"Adieu, dear Madame, and believe me unalterably, your sincere ad- 
mirer and devoted humble servant, 

"B. Arnold. 
" Sept. 2'), 1778. 

"Miss Peggy Shippen." 



230 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Tills is not thelanffiiao^e of a man whose attentions had 
been wasted upon nnworthy objects, but the words express 
a genuine, manly, honest attachment. This letter warmly 
expresses a passion, ardent, sincere, and so true and gener- 
ous, that he is unwilling to purchase his own supreme hap- 
piness at the expense of hers. ^' May I perish," says the 
blunt soldier, " if I would give you one moment's inquie- 
tude to purchase the greatest possible felicity to myself." 

It has been said that her father opposed their marriage; 
if so, the opposition was not persistent. On the 21st of 
December, 1778, Mr. Shippen says: 

" I gave my daughter Betsy to Neddy Burd last Thursday evening, 
and all is jollity and mirth. My youngest daughter is much solicited by 
a certain General on the same subject. Whether this will take place or 
not depends on circumstances. If it should, it will not be till spring."^ 

On the second of January, 1779, Edward Shippen, senior, 
grand-father of Peggy, writes to Colonel Bnrd, from Lan- 
caster, " We understand that General Arnold, a fine gentle- 
man, lays close siege to Peggy; and if so, there will be 
another match in the family."'' It appears that his ardent 
passion was soon reciprocated, for on the eighth of Febru- 
ary, 1779, he writes to her with the fervor of an accepted 
lover: 

*' Camp at Raritan, February 8th, 1779. 
' ' My Dearest Life : — 

** Never did I so ardently long 'to see or hear from you as at this in- 
stant. I am all impatience and anxiety to know how you do; six days' 
absence, without hearing from my dear Peggy, is intolerable. Heavens! 
what must I have suffered had I continued my journey — the loss of hap- 
piness for a few dirty acres. I can almost bless the villanous roads, and 
more villanous men, who oblige me to return. I am heartily tired with 
my journey, and almost so with human nature. I daily discover so much 
baseness and ingratitude among mankind that I almost blush at being 
of the same species, and could quit the stage without regret was it not 
for some gentle, generous souls like my dear Peggy, who still retain the 

1. Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, pp. 221-222. 

2. Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 222. 



HIS patriotis:m axd his treaso:^. 231 

lively impression of their Maker's image, and who, with smiles of be- 
nio-nity and goodness, make all happy around them. Let me beg of you 
not to suffer the rude attacks on me to give you one moment's uneasi- 
ness; they can do me no injury. I am treated with the greatest politeness 
by General Washington and the officers of the army, who bitterly exe- 
crate Mr. Reed and the Council for their villanous attempt to injure me. 
They have advised me to proceed on my journey. The badness of the 
roads will not permit, was it possible to support an absence of four weeks, 
for in less time I could not accomplish it. The day after to-morrow I 
leave this, and hope to be made happy by j^our smiles on Friday evening; 
'till then all nature smiles in vain; for you alone, heard, felt, and seen, 
possess my every thought, fill every sense and pant in every vein. 

" Clarkson will send an express to meet me at Bristol; ^ make me happy 
by one line, to tell me you are so ; please to present my best respects to 
your mamma and the family. My prayers and best wishes attend my 
dear Peggy. Adieu! and believe me, sincerely and affectionately thine. 

" B. Arnold. 
"Miss Peggy Shippen." 

On the twenty-second of March, 1779, General Arnold, 
in anticipation of his marriage, purchased the fine old 
country seat called Mount Pleasant, situated on the east 
bank of the Schuylkill, and made a settlement of the estate 
on himself for life, "remainder to his wife and children." 
Two weeks thereafter General Arnold and Peggy Shippen 
were married at the residence of her father, a fine sub- 
sttantial mansion on the west side of Fourth street.'"* 

He was still so far disabled by the wound recei7ed at 
Saratoga, that during the marriage ceremony he was com- 
pelled to lean upon the arm of a fellow soldier, and when 
seated his limb was supported by a camp stool/ His con- 
dition rendered him only the more interesting to the lovely 
bride. To her he was then and ever a hero. 

The beautiful country seat of Mount Pleasant, which he 
settled upon his wife and children, is still standing in Pair- 
mount Park. The mansion stands on a blufi', overlooking 

1. Major Mathew Cla-kson, of New York, was one of Arnold's aids. 
2 Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 223, 
3. Watson's Aunals, Vol. Ill, p. 448. 



232 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

tlie Schuylkill, to whicli the grounds extended. A broad 
walk from the front led down to the banks of the river; a 
carriage drive passed around the house; out-houses for 
coaclunan and gardner, and carriage house and barn were 
in the rear, and the whole situated in extensive grounds, 
well wooded with grand old oaks, sycamores, and ever- 
greens. John Adams, dining at this mansion in October, 
1775, says it is "the most elegant seat in Pennsylvania."^ 
Here, and at his house in the city, Arnold resided until 
his removal to West Point. Here he gave those splendid 
entertainments, costly beyond his means, which involved 
him in debt, and which ultimately contributed to his ruin. 
He kept his coach and four, and lived altogether in a style 
of ostentation and expense entirely beyond his fortune, and 
unbecoming the officer of a country so poor and struggling 
with poverty as ours then w^as.^ His entertainments were 
frequent, and his guests were numerous, and embraced 
nearl}^ all the members of Congress and the officers of the 
army, as well as the fashion of the city. " AYhen M. 
Gerard, the French Embassador, first arrived in Philadel- 
phia, he was entertained at a public dinner given by General 
Arnold, and for several days afterwards the Embassador 
and his suite occupied apartments at his house." ^ On his 
trial by court-marshal, when charged w^ith entertaining 
tories and neglecting tlie friends of his country, he says: 
"With respect to the gentlemen in civil life and the army, 
I can appeal to the candor of Congress and the Army, as 
scarcely a day has passed but many of both were enter- 
tained by me ;" and in regard to the reproach of entertain- 

1, Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 214. 

2. In a schedule of his property confiscated in Philadelphia, are mentioned 
among other things, "horses and carriages," " furniture, bedding'and linen, &c., 
of the value of £300, book's, electrical machine, mycroscope of the value of £200, 
china, glass, etc., etc.. £50." 

3 Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 116. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 233 

ing those who adhere to the crown, he said : ^' It is enouo-h 
for me, Mr. President, to contend with men in iXic field. ''^ ^ 

Here, on the nineteenth of Marcli, 1780, was born to liim 
a son — Edward Shippen. His domestic life wliile in Phil- 
adelphia, notwithstanding his difficulties and annoyances 
with the authorities of Pennsylvania, was a very happy one. 
The affection between himself and wife seems to have been 
tender, constant and uninterrupted. His sister, Hannah, 
with his youngest son, Henry, by his first wife, visited him, 
and remained some time in his family, while his two older 
sons, Ben and Eichard, w^ere away at school. A letter from 
the sister to Mrs. Arnold, dated September tenth, 1780, 
gives a vivid picture of the affection and happiness of this 
family, and shows how devotedly attached to each other 
were all its members. 

"Monday, September 10, 1780. 

" I address you, my dear Mrs. Arnold, from the reg-ions of gloom and 
solitude; but when this splenatic scrawl will reach you, know not, for at 
present have not the shadow of a conveyance for it. 

*' This is Monday, the fourth day since j^our departure, and I have not 
once in the whole time step'd my foot over the threshold of our own door, 
and have scarcely been otf the bed two hours together; have had the 
slight but troublesome fever that has so indiscriminately attact'd all 
orders of people (old maids not exempted.) Mrs. Burd has been in the 
same situation wath myself, so that we have as yet not seen each other. Mr. 
Burd has kindly called once or twice; if you could conceive how we miss 
you and the dear little bantling, you would pity us. Harry was incon- 
solable the whole day you left us, and had, I believe, not less than twenty 
the most violent bursts of grief; his little brother Edward seems to be 
the principal theme of the mournful song — not one day has escaped 
without his sheding tears at his absence; he laments that just as he 
began to know and love his brother, he must be removed so far from 
him that he cannot even hear how he does ; this day with a falling tear, 
he observed to me that he thought it very hard when he had so few 
relations, that they shoul I all be at such a distance from him; must own 
the observation call'd forth a sympathetic drop from my eyes. Am 
extremely anxious to know how you perform your journey; am very 

1. Court -marshal Trial of General Arnold, p. 132. 



234 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

fearful for the poor little sore-headed boj', and am surprlz'd that I have 
not heard a syllable from you, but comfort myself with the thought that 
no news is good news, as I cannot imagine but I should have heard it, 
if any material accident had befallen you. Yesterday got a letter from 
your anxious husband, who, lover-like, is tormenting himself with a 
thousand fancied disasters which have happened to you and the family; 
however hope by the day after to-morrow you will be able to remove all 
his distressing fears. Heaven guard you safely to him, for in your life 
and happiness his consists. 

'* Your papa was in yesterday; the family at the Cottage were all well, 
and had just heard your mamma was gone down to your aunt Pierce's — 
my head aches, and as I am sleepy, will close my letter for to-night; 
sweet re^:ose to you and yours. — 

^'Monday Morning — Had wrote the above, hoping some opportunity 
would present for sending it; and left it unseal'd to make whatever addi- 
tions I found proper; but none presenting, had left it in statu quo; was 
just dressing myself, with an intent to creep out and make Mrs. Hunt- 
ington a morning visit, when Punch^ came tripping up stairs (showing 
his teeth), w^th a letter in his hand from mistress: I broke the seal with 
eager solicitude, and am more than hapyy to find you performed your 
journey as far as Brunswick with so much ease and pleasure; may they 
both attend in your train to the end of it; — am rcjoic'd at the account 
you give me of Edward; hope the little rogue holds out as well as he be- 
gan ; reckon he will this night finish his first grand tour. — 

*' Sent just now to see how Mrs. Burd was; have for answer that she 
is much better; if my morning's visiting don't make me sick, design see- 
ing her in the evening. — 

*' Thursday — Nothing new to-day. Saw Mrs. Burd last night, and we 
have made an appointment to Mrs. Morris's to-morrow.* — family affairs 
go on smooth; find I have got a steady, clever, industrious old cook; she 
has been out only once to church, and seems to have no inclination for 
gadding; your papa keeps Mrs. Allen's house for you, or himself; which 
takes it will be determined soon; he thinks Mrs. Allen's, on soma ac- 
counts, most convenient for him, and kuows the one we are now in, most 
so for you; for my part, wish he may find it most convenient to take 
Mrs. Allen's himself. 

^^Friday Evening — Am just returned from Mrs. Morris's where I drank 
tea with Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Cope, two Miss Marshalls, Miss NelUe 

1. A Negro servant. 

2. Mrs. Robert Morris, wife of the financier. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 235 

McCall,^ Mrs. Harrison,^ Mrs. Burd,^ Miss Sally Morris.* of New Jersey, 
and another Miss — name unknown, the two Mr. Coxes,^ all the beaux we 
had to help ourselves with. Hear nothing- from the little boys at Mary- 
land.* Mr. and Mrs. Mead are just annonc'd; adieu for to-night. 

Saturday Evening — The day has passed off without hearing one lisp 
from you; I cannot account for it, unless by delays on the road; promise 
myself you are now happy with my brother; hope you have by this 
reach 'd, and Edward quite well of his sore head. Your papa has been 
unwell for a few days, but is better; he went from here two hours since; 
all well at the cottage. Your mamma is not yet return'd. Hariy de- 
sires his duty to papa and mamma, his love to Edward and Betsy; he says 
he wishes mamma would please to kiss Edward one hundred times for 
him, and when her hand is in, she may, if she pleases, give him fifty for 
his aunt; make my love to my brother, if you please. I shall expect 
letters the first and all opportunities, and am with sineere esteem and 
regard. Yours, H. Arnold. 

" I have nothing to say in excuse for this iU pen'd scrawl, but that wri- 
ting is not my talent. H. A." " 

1. Daughter of Samuel McCall. 

2. Mrs. Henry Harrison. Her husband Avas mayor of Philadelphia in 1762. She 
was the daughter of Mathias Aspden. Her half-brother, Mathias Aspden, was a 
loyalist. His daughter was the wife of Bishop White. 

3. Elisabeth, eldest daughter of Chief Justice Shippen, wife of Edward Burd. 

4. Sister of Governeur Morris, and who was probably in charge of her brother's 
household, as he was then unmarried. 

5. The two Messrs. Coxe must have been John D. Coxe, and his brother Tench 
Coxe. Vide Sabine's Loyalists. Hildeburn, of Philad. 

6. Gen. Arnold's sons, Ben and Richard. 

7 Autograph letter from State Department at Washington. 

As an illustration of the care and tenderness of General Arnold towards his 
wife and child, I copy from a paper in the oflQce of the Secretary of State at Wash- 
ington, in Arnold's own hand-writing : 

" Directions for Mrs. Arnold on Her Avaj' to West Point : 

"You must by all means get out of the Carriage, Crossing all Ferries, and going 
over large Bridges to prevent accidents. 

" Your first night's stage Avill be at Bristol, Mr. Coxe's, 20 miles. 

" The second at Trenton, Banagers, unless you (go) to G. Dickinson's or Col. 
Caduc, 10 miles. 

"The third night to Brunswick, Mrs. Mamners, a good house, 28 miles. If the 
weather is warm, and this stage too long, you can lodge at Princeton, 12 miles from 
Trenton. 

" The fourth night at Newark, 2G miles. If this stage is too long you can stop 6 
miles short, at Ellzabethtown, or if any danger is apprehended from the enemy, 
you will be very safe riding a few miles out of the common road. 

•' The fifth night at Paramas, 12 miles. 

" The sixth night, Judge Coe's, 14 miles; and, if not fatigued, to John Smith, Esqr., 



236 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

TLiis I have _2^iven a phase of General Arnold's domestic 
life in Pliiladelphia — his courtship and marriage. This 
has been done without mingling with it liis public conduct. 
lu the next chapter I shall return to liis public life, and 
endeavor to give a truthful narrative of his difficulties with 
the authorities of Pennsj-lvania, his trial hj court martial, 
and his reprimand by Washington. 

G miles further, and only three from King's Ferry, where you will be hospitably 
received and well accommodated. You will get tolerable beds at Coe's. and from 
thence on south can reach West Point next day with ease, as you will go from 
King's Ferry by water, so that in seven days if the weather is cool, you will 
perform the journey with ease. At Paramas 3'ou will be very politely received by 
Mrs. Watkins, Mrs. Provost, very genteel people. 1 Let me beg of you not to make 
your Stages so long as to fatigue yourself and the Dr Boy, if you should be much 
longer in coming." 

i, Mrs. Provost was a Loyalist of social distinction, and was afterwards married 
to Aaron Burr. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ARNOLD'S CONTROVERSY WITH THE AUTHORITIES OF 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

"His (Arnold's) brilliant services spoke elrquently in his favor. His admirers 
repined that a fame won by such daring exploits on the field should be st.flcd 
down by cold calumnies in Philadelphia, and many thought dispassionately that 
the State authorities had acted with excessive harshness towards a meritorious 
officer in widely spreading their charges against him, and thus in au unprece- 
dented way putting a public brand upon him."— Washin:^ton Irving. 

Arnold's Contjuct in Command op Philadelphia— His Controversy vnin 

« 
President Reed and the Authorities op Pennsylvania— The Action of 

Congress— Reports op Committee Exonerating Him— A Court-Martial 

Ordered for his Trial. 

It is my purpose, in the following pages, to examine tlie 
conduct of General Arnold in Pliiladelohia, and tlie charges 
made against liim by the authorities of Pennsylvania, and 
endeavor to determine how far he was guilty of conduct 
indicating a want of integrity as a man, and honor as a 
soldier. The most unqualified language of condemnation 
has generally been used against him, and the decision of the 
couii|;-martial by which he was tried, has been cited as estab- 
lishinghis guilt. So far from this, the judgment of the court 
though in form guilty on two charges, was substantially au 
acquittal. Tlie so-called reprimand of "Washington was an 
eulogy, such as has rarely been bestowed upon a public 
officer, and its warm commendation and generous sympa- 
thy — following the severe charges so widely circulated — 

(237) 



238 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

were intended to, and did, express Washington's confidence 
and respect. Washington Irving, who hated Arnold's 
treason, but loved justice, in his life of Washington, says : 
"We have considered the ■particulsirs of this trial atten- 
tively, discharging from our minds, as much as possible, all 
impressions produced by Arnold's subsequent history, and 
we are surprised to find after the hostility manifested against 
him by the Council of Pennsylvania, and their extraordi- 
nary measures to possess the public mind against him; how 
venial are the trespasses of which he stood convicted." * 

" In regard to both charges nothing fraudulent on the 
part of Arnold was found." ^ 

Let us then, forgetting his treason, endeavor to investi- 
gate the facts fairly, and see whether Irving's conclusions 
were just or otherwise. 

Arnold, as the military commander of the confederation 
at Philadelphia, held a very difficult and delicate position. 
The jealousy which has always existed between State rights 
and National authority, was at that time peculiarly sensi- 
tive, and the line separating the one from the other was not 
clearly defined. This city, during the period of British 
occupation, had been the residence of a large number of 
loyalists and active tories. In it was mnch property and 
merchandise belonging to those who were nnfriendly to the 
cause of ITational independence. By a resolution of Con- 
gress, adopted June 5th, 1778, the Commander-in-Chief 
was directed to suspend the removal, sale or transfer of 
goods in Philadelphia, until a joint commission of that 
body, and of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, 
should determine whether it was the property of the King, 
or any of his subjects. General Washington, in his instruc- 
tions to General Arnold, dated on the 18th of June, 

1. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 22. 

2. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 22, 



Ills TATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 239 

enclosed this resolution, and directed liim to see tliat tlie 
resolution of Cons^ress was enforced/ 

Arnold, on the 19th of June, issued his proclamation, re- 
citing the resolution of Congress, the instructions of General 
A\^ashington, and ordering the shops and stores closed. 
This was done at the suggestion of leading patriots of Phila- 
delphia, and the proclamation Avas written by General Keed 
liimself, one of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, 
and Arnold's chief accuser,^ 

This proclamation was an arbitrary exercise of military 
authority, and produced great dissatisfaction, and rendered 
General Arnold personally un^^opular; but it was simply 
an obedience of orders; and yet this, with other acts on his 
part, led to the controversy between him and the Executive 
Council of the State, and to their presenting charges to 
Congress against him, some of which were referred to a 
court-martial for trial. But inasmuch as the court-martial 
found that though the shops and stores were shut by Gen- 
eral Arnold's orders, they were of opinion that he was jus- 
tified bv the resolution of Cono-ress of the 5th of June, and 
the Commander-in-Chief's instructions on the 18th of June, 
these orders are only important in this connection as 
showino; the orio;in of the unfortunate controversy. It was 
Arnold's misfortune that it became his duty to execute an ar- 
bitrary and very unpopular order, and in doing so he became 
the object of a personal hostility, which his own haughty 
and unyielding temper did little to conciliate. His style of 
living aggravated the dislike which his military orders had 
created. 

As stated on a preceding page, he kept a splendid estab- 
lishment, had his carriages and horses, gave expensive en- 
tertainments, and exhibited an ostentatious display which 

1. See Trial of Arnold, for Resolution of Congress. Washington's Instructions, 
etc.. pp. 18-19. 
•2. Arnold's Trial -testimony of Maj ^r Franks. 



240 LIFE OF BEXEDICT AEXQLD. 

was beyond liis means, and unbecoming liis position.* He 
was at the same time an open and avowed suitor of Miss 
Shippen — having obtained the sanction of her father to his 
addresses, and her family were not friendly to the cause of 
independence. Indeed, it was said that " he had courted 
the loyalists from the start." ' 

General Joseph Reed, who was then one of the Executive 
Council, and who led the State authorities against Arnold, 
writing to General Greene, says: " Will you not think it 
extraordinary that General Arnold made a public enter- 
tainment the night before last, of which not only tory 
ladies, but the wives and daughters of persons proscribed 
by the State, and now with the enemy at Xew York, f^Jrmed 
a considerable num.ber." ^ 

Irving, in commenting upon this, says: 

" Regarded from a different point of view, this conduct 
miofht have been attributed to the courtesv of a gallant sol- 
dier, who scorned to carry the animosity of tlie field into 
the drawing room, or to proscribe and persecute the wives 
and daughters of political exiles." * 

Yet all who have witnessed the violence of party spirit 
in time of war, will understand how little such " courtesy " 
would be appreciated by heated partisans, and how extremely 
obnoxious a person exercising it, would become in a city 
where party feeling was intense and bitter. The feeling 
towards General Arnold growing out of these various causes, 
became so hostile and annoying that he seems to have 
formed the idea of retiring from the army, and becoming a 
large landholder and leading a country life. His approach- 
ing marriage with Miss Shippen, and the prospect of a 
home in the country with her, doubtless added to the at- 

1. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 12. 

2. Irving's Life of Wa>-hington, Vol. IV, p. 11. 
o. living's Washington, VoL IV, p. 14. 

4. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 15. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 241 

tractions of this project. His plan was to obtain a grant of 
land in western 'New York, and to establish there a settle- 
ment of the officers and soldiers who had served under hiin, 
and with whom he was always personally popular. With 
these and such others as might join the enterprise, he hoped 
to build up a successful settlement, retrieve his pecuniary 
embarrassments, and realize the kind of life lie had wit- 
nessed on the part of General Schuyler, and other large and 
wealthy land owners of New York. A country house sur- 
rounded by a large landed estate, the building up of a pros- 
perous settlement, w^as to him very attractive, and such was 
his power over men, that he would most probably have been 
successful. In a letter to Schuyler he declares his ambi- 
tion is to be "a good citizen rather than shinino; in 
history." 

The enterprise was submitted to the delegation in Con- 
gress from i^ew York, and to the j)ure-minded John Jay, 
its President, by all of whom it was cordially approved. 
The deleo-ation wrote a ioint letter to Governor Clinton, 
requesting his aid and council in obtaining the favorable 
action of the Legislature. '• To you, Sir," they say, " and 
to our State, General Arnold can require no recommenda- 
tion; a series of distino-uished services entitle him to re- 
spect and favor." ' 

President Jay, writing to Governor Clinton, said: 

" I wish that in treating with him fArnoAl), they (the Legislature) may 
recollect the services he has rendered to his country, and the value of 
such a citizen to any State that may gain him. Several other general 
officers have thoughts of settling in our State, and the prevailing reason 
they assign for it is, the preference for our Constitution to that of other 
States. They consider it as having the principles of stability and vigor 
as well as of liberty; advantages which the loose and less guarded kinds 
of government cannot promise. I have no doubt but that generosity to 
General Arnold will be justice to the State." ■^ 

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 135. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 135. 

16 



242 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Alas! who will not join in the regret that this enter- 
prise was not successful, and this man, who then numbered 
among his warm and devoted friends, some of the purest 
and best patriots of the Revolution, have been diverted 
from the dark crime which lay in the future. 

But it was not so to be; while on his way to Kew York, 
in furtherance of this enterprise, he stopped at the camp of 
Washington on the Raritan, and there received intelligence 
of the attack made upon him by General Reed and the 
Council of Pennsylvania, and of the charges they had 
printed and circulated against him, and he hastily returned 
to meet these charges, and became involved in a long and 
irritating controversy, w^hich led to his ruin. From the 
camp of Washington he wrote the impassioned letter to 
Miss Shippeu, of February 8th, 1779, set forth in the pre- 
ceding chapter^ 

Almost immediately after his departure from Pliila- 
delphia on this trip, the Executive Council of Penns3dvania 
sent to Congress their complaints and grievances, embodied 
in eight charges of misconduct and culpability on the part 
of General Arnold. Printed copies of these charges were 
widely circulated, one of which reached him in the camp of 
Washington. They were published in the newspapers of 
Pennsylvania and Maryland. 

In the absence of General Arnold, Major Clarkson, his 
aid, immediately on the 8th of February, published a card 
to the public, asking them to suspend their judgment, " and 
complaining of the injustice of condemning an absent man 
unheard," and of the cruelty of those who, having made 
the charges, ordered them to be published and circulated 
before trial.". General Arnold's first solicitude was to pre- 
vent any stain upon his honor in the mind of Miss Shippen, 
to whom he wrote as before stated. On the day following 
his letter to her, from the camp at Raritan, he sent a card 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 243 

to the public, in which, after referring to his services in 
the cause of liis country for nearly four years, he r^jr^nprains 
of the " cruel and malicious charges " which the President 
and Council of Pennsylvania had preferred against him to 
Congress; and also of their having ordered copies of the 
charges to be printed, and dispersed through the several 
States, for the purpose of prejudicing the minds of the pub- 
lic, while the matter is in suspense/ 

The personal hostility in which these charges originated 
may be inferred from the circular signed by Joseph Eeed, 
addressed to the Governor of each of the States, enclosing 
the charges, and asking that they be communicated to the 
Legislature of each State. It is not surprising, I think, in 
view of this action, that Irving should call attention to the 
hostility manifested by the Council of Pennsylvania, and 
"their extraordinary measure to prepossess i<he public mind 
against him." "Many thought, dispassionately, that the 
State authorities had acted with extreme harshness towards 
a meritorious officer in widely spreading these charges 
against him thus in an unprecedented way, putting a public 
brand upon him." 

Arnold promptly requested Congress to direct a court- 
martial to inquire into his conduct. 

The following are the charges preferred against General 
Arnold ; ' 

" First — That while in the camp of General Washing-ton at Valley 
Forge, last Spring-, he gave permission to a vessel belonging- to persons 
then voluntarily residing- in this city with the enemy, and of disaffected 
character, to come into a port of the United States without tue knowl- 
edge of the authority of the State, or of the Commander-in-Chief, though 
then present. 

'^Second — In having- shut up the shops and stores on his arrrival in the 

1. See Trial of Arnold, for cards of Major Clarkson and General Arnold in full, 
pp. 153-154. 

2. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 17. 

3. Trial of Arnold, pp. 5, 6, 7, etc. 



244 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

city, so as even to prevent officers of the army from purdiasing-, while he 
privjirivly made considerable pm'chases for his own benefit, as is alleged 
and beiievc'd. 

''^Third, — In imposing- menial offices upon the sons of freemen of this 
State, when called forth by the desire of Congress to perform militia 
duty, and when remonstrated to, hereupon, justifying himself in writing, 
upon the ground of having power so to do ; for that, "when a citizen 
assumed" the character of a soldier, the former was entirely lost in "the 
latter ; and that it was the duty of the militia to obey "every order of 
his aids (not a breach of the laws and Constitution), as his (the 
General's), without judging of the 'propriety of them.' " 

Fourth. — For that, when a prize was brought into this port by the 
Convention brig, of this State, whereupon a dispute arose respecting the 
capture, which would otherwise, in great probability, have been amica- 
bly adjusted between the claimants. General Arnold interposed, by an 
illegal and unworthy purchase of the suit, at a low and inadequate price, 
as has been publicly charged by a reputable citizen; to which may, in 
some degree, be ascribed the delay of justice in the courts of Appeal, 
and the dispute in which the State may probably be involved with Con- 
gress hereupon. 

Fifth. — The appropriating the wagons of this State, when called forth 
upon a special emergency last autumn, to the transportation of private 
property, and that of persons who voluntarily remained with the 
enemy last winter, and were deemed disafiected to the interests and 
independence of America. 

'' Sixth— Jn that Congress, by a resolve of the 21st of August last, 
having given to the executive powers of every State an exclusive power 
to recommend persons desirous of going within the enemy's lines, to the 
officer there commanding, General Arnold in order, as may reasonably be 
inferred, to elude the said resolve, wrote a letter, as appears by compari- 
son of hands and the declaration of the intended bearer, recommendatory 
for the above purpose, and caused his aide-de-camp. Major CJarkson, to 
sign the same. But the said device not taking effect, through the vigi- 
lance of the officers at Elizabethtown, General Arnold, without disclosing 
any of the above circumstances, applied to Council for the-'r permission, 
which was instantly refused, the connection, character and situation of 
the party being well known and deemed utterly improper to be indulged 
with such permission, thereby violating the resolve of Congress, and 
usurping the authority of this Board. 

" Seveiith— This Board having upon the complaint of several inhabitants 
of Chester county, through the late Wagon- Master General, requested of 
the said General Arnold to state the said transaction respecting the 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 245 

wagons, in order that they might satisfy the complainants, or explain the 
same without farther trouble, received in return au indecent and disre- 
spectful refusal of any satisfaction whatsoever. 

" Eighth— The discouragement and neglect manifested by General Ar- 
nold during his command to civil, military and other characters who have 
adhered to the cause of their country— with an entire different conduct 
towards those of another character, are too notorious to need proof or 
illustration. And if this command has been, as is generally believed, 
supported by an expense of four or jfive thousand pounds per annum to 
the United States, we freely declare we shall very unwillingly pay any 
share of expenses thus incurred." 

On the IGth of February (the commiinication from 
President Eeed, and the charges having been referred to a 
committee) tlie letter of General Arnold, asking an investiga- 
tion, was referred to the same committee. This committee 
liaving been instructed to inquire into the grounds of said 
charges, about the middle of March made a report excul- 
pating him from all criminality in the matter charged 
against him.^ 

1. The following is a report of the Committee in full : 

'•Report of the Committee of Congress on the charges exhibited against General 
Arnold by the President and Council of Pennsylvania : 

" The first, second, third and fifth charges are oflTences triable only in a court- 
martial ; that the fourth charge is an offence only of a civil nature, and triable only 
in a court of common law ; that the sixth, seventh and eighth charges are offences 
not triable by a court-martial or common law court, or subject to any other punish- 
ment than the displeasure of Congress and the consequences of it'; that the com- 
mittes are furnished with evidence by the supreme executive council on the fifth 
and seventh charg. s, to which they beg leave to refer; that the committee of the 
^ald executive council, though repeatedly applied to, declined to give any evi- 
dence on the rest of the^charges, after fruitless application for three weeks, during 
which time several letters passed between the said executive council and commit 
tee, in which letters ihe supreme executive council even threaten the committee 
and charge them with partiality. 

''Resolved, That as to the first and second charges, no evidence appears tending to 
prove the same; that the said charges are fully explained, and the appearances 
they carry of criminalty fully obviated by clear, unquestionable evidence. The 
third charge, admitted by General Arnold in one instance, to be transmitted to 
the Commander-in-Chief. The fourth charge, there appears no evidence to prove 
the same, and that it is triable only in a common law court. The fifth charge be 
transmitted to the Commander-in-Chief. 

"Resolved, That the recommendatory letter in the sixth charge is not within the 
spirit of the resolve of Congress, or an usurpation of authority. 

''Resolved, That the letter in the seventh charge, though not in terms of perfect 
civility, yet it is not expressed in terms of indignity; and that after the conduct 



246 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

TLe first charge relating to tlie alleged improper issuing 
of a pass, the second in regard to the closing of the shops of 
Philadelphia, the third in regard to imposing menial offices 
upon the sons of freemen performing military duty, and the 
lifth, in regard to the use of wagons furnished by the State 
for the transportation of private property — each of these, 
they repeat, " are triable only in a court-martial." The 
fourth, which relates to a prize and prize-money, the com- 
mittee say is triable only in a court of common law. They 
add that the committee were furnished with evidence in re- 
gard to the fifth and seventh charges, which relate to the 
use of the wagons and Arnold's alleged refusal to give any 
explanation thereof; and that in regard to the other charges, 
the committee of the executive council, though repeatedly 
applied to, declined to give any evidence, after fruitless ap- 
plication for three wrecks. They therefore resolved, that in 
regard to the first and second charges (those relating to the 
pass and the use of the wagons,) no evidence appears tend- 
ing to prove the same; that the said charges are fully ex- 
plained, and the appearances they carry of criminality are 
fully obviated by clear and unquestionable evidence. In 
regard to the fourth charge (in relation to the prize), they 
say there appears no evidence to prove the same, and it is 
triable only in a common law court. That the fifth charge 
be transmitted to the Commander-in-Chief, and they 

" jB^so?re(^, that the letter in the seventh charge (claimed to be dis- 
respectful), though not in terms of perfect civility, yet it is not expressed 
in terms of indignity; and that after the conduct of the said supreme exec- 
utive council towards General Arnold, and the unexampled measures they 
took to obtain satisfaction, totally and absolutely preclude all right to 
concessions or acknowledgment." ^ 

of the said supreme executive council towards the said General Arnold, and the 
unexampled measures they took to obtain satisfaction, totally and absolutely 
preclude all right to concessions or acknowledgment, 

' Resolved, On the eighth charge, that there is no evidence to prove the same.""— 
Arnold's Trial by Court Martial, pp. 133-4-5. 

1. Trial of Arnold, p. 135. See also Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, pp. 
616-517. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 217 

Arnold, as soon as this report was brought in, considered 
his name vindicated, and resigned the command of Phila- 
delphia, for which he had already obtained permission from 
Washington. On the 17th of March he addressed a letter to 
Congress, begging that body to examine and decide upon the 
report of the committee without delay.' But the Executive 
Council of Pennsvlvania were not satisfied, and, althouMi 
in their circular they had said, " the proofs were ready to be 
exhibited, and that Arnold had departed from the State, 
pending the complaint," yet after his prompt return and 
demand of inquiry, they complained there had been a mis- 
understanding which prevented them from presenting their 
testimony. 

General Reed and the Executive Council represented the 
great State of Pennsylvania, and were entitled to and re- 
ceived extraordinary consideration, and Congrsss, at their 
instance, instead of acting upon the report of their own 
committee exculpating Arnold, referred the whole sub- 
ject to a joint committee of that body and the Council 
of Pennsylvania. This joint committee reported several 
resolutions intended to soothe Pennsylvania, as represented 
by the executive committee; and also recommended that 
the first, second, third and fifth charges be referred to a 
court-martial to be appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. 
Arnold was indignant at this action, but said, in a letter 
addressed to Congress : 

" If Congress have been induced to take this action for the public 
good, and to avoid a breach with this State — however hard my case may 
be, * * I will suffer with pleasure until a court-martial can have an 
opportunity of doing me justice, by acquitting me of these charges a 
second time." ^ 

He wrote at once to Washington, advising him of the 

1. Trial of Gen. Arnold, pp. 136-137. 

2. Letter of Arnold to Congress, April 14, 1779— Trial p. 138. 



248 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

proceedings, complaining of the injustice done to liim, and 
begging that an early day might be fixed for his trial. 
Washington ordered a court to meet on the first of May. 
The executive committee of Pennsylvania applied for fur-, 
ther time, and made such representations as induced Gen- 
eral Washington to ]30stpone the trial to June Ist, 17T9. 

Arnold, impatient and chafing at this delay, wrote to 
Washington, May 5th, saying: 

"Delay is worse than death, and when it is considered that the Presi- 
dent and council have had three months to produce the evidence, 1 can- 
not suppose the ordering a court-martial to determine the matter 
immediately, is the least precipitating it. I entreat that the court may 
be ordered to sit as soon as possible." ^ 

In a letter to Washington, written on the fourteenth of 
May, in which he expresses his happiness to hear that the 
court had been fixed for the the first of June, he calls at- 
tent^ion to the "cruel situation he was in, as his character 
was suff'ering," and he was prevented by it from joining 
the army, *' which I wish to do," says he, " as soon as my 
wounds will permit." '^ 

Washington writes to Reed on the fifteenth of Mav, say- 
ing he had received anotlier letter from Arnold, '' pressing 
for a speedy trial," and adding that " that gentleman has a 
right to expect from me, as a piece of justice, that his fate 
may be decided, as soon as it can be done consistently with 
a full and fair investigation." ^ 

On the same day he wrote to Arnold: 

" I feel my situation truly delicate and embarrassing." " Your anxiety 
— natural under the circumstances — strongly urges me to bring the affair 
to a speedy conclusion : on the other side, the pointed representations of 
the State, on the subject of witnesses, seem to leave me no choice."^ 

1. Sparts' Writings of Washinj^ton, Vol. VI, p. 523. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 523. 
H. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI. p. 524. 
4. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol, VI, p. 524. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 249 

To this letter Arnold proiiiptlv replied on the 18th, sav- 
ing: 

" I have not the least doubt of your excellency's wishing to bring my 
affair to a speedy conclusion, and of doing me ample justice. I am ex- 
tremely sorry my cruel situation should cause your excellency the least 
embarrassment."^ 

He then calls attention to the fact that his prosecutors 
had had nearly four months to procure their testimony, etc. 

The movements of the enemy prevented the meeting of 
the court in June, and on the 13th of Julv, Arnold ao-ain 
addressed Washington, asking whether the situation of the 
army would not admit the court-martial to proceed with 
the trial, and again begging him to appoint as early a day 
as possible.'' 

At length, and not until the 19th of December, 1779, the 
court was convened at Morristown, !N'ew Jersey, and con- 
tinued in session until its final judgment was rendered on 
the 26th of Jannary, 1780, after nearly a year of most irri- 
tating and vexatious delay, during every period of which 
Arnold had begged and implored prompt action ; he had 
now the satisfaction of meeting before a court of brother 
officers his accusers face to face. The position of Washing- 
ton had been "delicate and embarrassing," but with his 
usual discretion, he so conducted as to satisfy both parties 
of his impartiality. The court was composed of Major 
General Robert Howe, of IsTorth Carolina, President, and 
Brigadier Generals Knox, Maxwell and Gest, and eight 
Colonels.^ 

The evidence is published in full in the trial, to which I 
have already referred, and occupies nearly one hundred 
pages. 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 526. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 527. 
'6. Trial of Arnold, p. 2. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

ARNOLD'S TRIAL— WASHINGTON'S REPRIMAND. 

"Exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you on the list of our 
most valued commauders. I will, myself, furnish you as far as it may be in my 
power, with the opportunities of regaining the esteem of your country." — Washing- 
ton to Arnold. 

Arnold's Trial Continued— His Defense— Judgement of the Court— Washing- 
ton's Reprimand and Eulogy. 

General Arnold appeared before the court without 
counsel. He conducted his ow^n defense, examining his 
own witnesses, and cross-examining those produced by the 
prosecution. 

The spectacle of this trial was not without a certain 
element of pathos. The accused w^as in the full buff and 
bl ue uniform of his rank. He walked with d ifficultv, leanin o- 
upon liis cane, for tlie leg broken above tlie knee at 
Saratoga, and below the knee at Quebec, still disabled him, 
making it impossible for him to ride on horseback, and he 
could not, therefore, mount the horse which Congress had 
presented to liim for his gallantry at liidgefield ; but he 
wore the epauletts and sword-knots which Washington had 
presented to him as among " the bravest of the brave " of 
his generals, and which he had received as a testimony of 
Washington's " sincere regard and apj^robation of his 
conduct." 

(250) 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 251 

Though still young, not having reached the meridian of 
life, his face bronzed and darkened by fatigue and exposure, 
indicated that he had seen the severest hardships of a 
soldier's life. 'No one could look upon his weather-beaten 
features and his still crippled condition without thinking 
of Ticonderoga, St. Johns, the Wilderness, the Plains of 
Abraham, the forlorn hope in the assault on Quebec, Mont- 
real, the naval conflict off Yalcour Island, Eidgefield and 
Compo, the valley of the Mohawk, the relief of Fort Schuy- 
ler, the battle of the 19tli of September, near Saratoga, and 
the last desperate and bloody charge at Bemis' Heights. 

He, who had never failed to share with his soldiers tlie 
extreme of every danger, and had shed his blood very freely 
for his country, was now to struggle for his laurels, for his 
honor, for everything which makes life valuable, against the 
overwhelming official power and influence of Pennsylvania. 

He can scarcely be blamed for wishing to crush his en- 
emies, and he certainly had a right to jiresent the record of 
his past life, and to have the benefit of all the presump- 
tions justly arising from previous good conduct. 

A man accused of crime is never blamed for proving his 
previous good character, to raise a presumption of innocence, 
and yet General Arnold has been censured and sneered at be- 
cause he spread before the court his record as a soldier, and 
the commendations which Congress and Washington had 
bestowed upon him. 

At the close of the evidence he addressed the court at 
irreat leno^th. He did not confine himself to the four 
charges upon which he was being tried, but took up each of 
the eight which had been presented to Congress, and 
attempted to make a full answer to every one of them. He 
began : 



252 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

*' Mr. President, and gentlemen of this Jionoiirable court: 

" I appear before you, to answer charges brought against me by the 
late supreme executive council of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 
It is disagreeable to be accused; but when an accusation is made, I feel 
it a great source of consolation, to have an opportunity of being tried 
by gentlemen whose delicate and refined sensations of honour will lead 
them to entertain similar sentiments concerning those w^ho accuse un- 
justly, and those who are justly accused. In the former case, your feel- 
ings revolt against the conduct of the prosecutors; in the latter, against 
those who are deserved objects of a prosecution. Whether those feel- 
ings will be directed against me, or against those, whose charges have 
brought me before you, will be known by your just and impartial deter- 
mination of this cause. 

" When the present necessary war against Great Britain commenced, 
I was in easy circumstances, and enjoyed a fair prospect of improving 
them. I was happy in domestic connections, and blessed with a rising 
family, who claimed my care and attention. The Hberties of my coun- 
try were in danger. The voice of my country called upon all her faithful 
sons to join in her defence. With cheerfulness I obeyed the call. I sac- 
rificed domestic ease and happiness to the service of my country, and in 
her service have I sacrificed a great part of a handsome fortune. I was 
one of the first that appeared in the field, and from that time, to the 
present hour, have not abandoned her service. 

" When one is charged with practices, which his soul abhors, and which 
conscious innocence tells him he has never committed, an honest indig- 
nation will draw from him expressions in his own favour, which, on other 
occasions, might be ascribed to an ostentatious turn of mind. The part 
which I have acted in the American cause, has been acknowledged by 
our friends, and by our enemies, to have been far from an indifferent one. 
My time, my fortune, and my person have been devoted to my country, 
in this war; and if the sentiments of those who are supreme in the Uni- 
ted States, in civil and military affairs, are allowed to have any weight, 
ray time, my fortune, and my person have not been devoted in vain. 
You will indulge me, gentlemen, while. I lay before you some honorable 
testimonies, which congress, and the commander in chief of the armies 
of the United States, have been pleased to give of my conduct. The 
Ijlace where 1 now stand justifies me in producing them." 

He then read to the court some of the complimentary 
letters of Washington, and among others, the one present- 
ing him with epaulets and sword-knots "as a testimony' 
of his sincere regard and approbation;" also Washington's 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 25 



o 



letters to Congress, requesting that body to send him to the 
Northern Department to repel Bnrgoyne, because he was 
"active, judicious and brave," and an " officer in whom the 
militia had great confidence." 

He also read the proceedings of Congress, directing that 
he be presented with " a horse properly caparisoned/' etc., 
for ''his gallant conduct at Kidgefield;" also the resolu- 
tion of thanks passed by Congress for his brave and success- 
ful eftbrts in the capture of Burgoyne. After tliis review 
of his military career, he asked whether it was probable, 
after having gained these favorable opinions, he should all 
at once sink into a course of conduct "equally unworthy of 
a patriot and a soldier?" After alluding to the long and 
cruel delays in obtaining a trial, caused by his persecutors, 
he expressed his sanguine hopes of being able to satisfy the 
court, and through its judgment, the world, that the 
charges against him were "false, malicious and scandalous." 

He then took up and examined the charges, one by one. 
The first, in regard to granting protection for a vessel to 
sail into the ports of the United States, it is stated, as a 
part of the charge, that it was given " without the know- 
led f::e of the Commander-in-Chief." 

After justifying the giving the pass, adverting to that 

part of the charge relative to Washington, he says : 

" I think it peculiarly unfortunate that the armies of the United States 
have a gentleman at their head who knows so little about his own hon- 
our, or regards it so little, as to lay the president and council of Pennsyl- 
Tania under the necessity of stepping forth in its defence, perhaps it may 
be of use to hint, 

"iVbn tali auxUio eget, nee defenscnibus istis. 

** The general is invested with power, and he possesses spirit to check 
and to punish every instance of disrespect shewn to his authority; but 
he \^ill not prostitute his power by exerting it upon a trifling occasion; 
far less will he pervert it when no occasion is given at all." 

In regard to that part of the second charge, which 

alleges that while he prohibited others from purchasing 



A 



254 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

goods, lie himself privately made purcbases for liis own 
benefit, " as is alleged and believed," he says ; 

"If this is true, I stand confessed in the presence of this Honor- 
able Court the vilest of men; I stand stigfrnatized with indelible disgrace, 
the disgrace of having abused an appointment of high trust and impor- 
tance, to accomplish the meanest and most unworthy purposes : the blood 
I have spent in defence of my country, will be insufficient to obliterate 
the stain. 

"But if this part of the case is void of truth; if it has not even the 
semblanca of truth, what shall I say of my accusers? what epithets will 
characterize their conduct, the sentence of this honourable court will soon 
determine. 

"* * Who * alledge and ielieve'' this accusation? ISTone, I trust, 
but the president and council of Pennsylvania; because, I trust, none else 
would alledge and believe anything tending to ruin a character, without 
sufficient evidence. Where is the evidence of this accusation? I call 
upon my accusers to produce it: I call upon them to produce it, under 
the pain of being held forth to the world, and to posterity, upon the 
proceedings of this court, as public defamers and murderers of reputa- 
tion." 

After examining the proof against him on this charge, 

he says : 

" On the honor of a gentleman and a soldier, I declare to gentlemen 
and soldiers, it is false." 

He adds : 

" If I made considerable purchases, considerable sales must have been 
made to me by some person in Philadelphia. Why are not these persons 
produced ? Have my prosecutors so little power and influence in that 
city, as to be unable to furnisli evidence of the truth ?" 

* * * * 'i I flatter myself the time is not far off, when, by the 
glorious establishment of our independence, I shall again return into the 
^ss of citizens: 'tis a period I look forwa,rd to with anxiety; I shall 



X^ t$en cheerfully submit as a citizen, to be governed by the same principle 
of subordination, which has been tortured into a wanton exertion of arbi- 
trary power. 

" This insinuation comes, in my opinion, with an ill grace from the 
state of Pennsylvania, in whose more immediate defence I sacrificed my 
feelings as a soldier, when I conceived them incompatible with the duties 
of a citizen, and the welfare of that state. 

" By a resolution of congress, I found myself superseded (in conse- 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 255 

quence of a new mode of appointment of general officers) by several who 
were my juniors in service; those who know the feeling-s of an officer, 
(whcse utmost ambition is the good opinion of his country) must judge 
what my sensations were at this apparent mark of neglect. I repaired 
to the city of Philadelphia in the month of May, 1777, in order either to 
attain a restoration of my rank, or a permission to resign my commis- 
sion; during this interval, the van of General Howe's army advanced, 
by a rapid march, to Somerset court house, with a view (as was then gen- 
erally supposed) to penetrate to the city of Philadelphia. 

" Notwithstanding I had been superseded, and my feelings as an offi- 
cer wounded, yet, on finding the state was in imminent danger from the 
designs of the enemy, I sacrificed those feelings, and with alacrity put 
myself at the head of the militia, who were collected to oppose the ene- 
my, determined to exert myself for the benefit of the public, although I 
conceived myself injured by their representatives. How far the good 
countenance of the militia under my command operated, in deterring 
General Howe from marching to the city of Philadelphia, I will not pre- 
tend to say; certain it is, he altered his route. 

" What returns I have met with from the state of Pennsylvania, I 
leave to themselves to judge, in the cool hour of reflection, which (not- 
withstanding the phrenzy of party, and the pains so industriously taken 
to support a clamour against me) must sooner or later arise." 

Thus, lie went through each charge in detail, and in 
replying to the eighth and last, which charged him with 
neglecting the friends of his country and bestowing his 
attentions and courtesies on its enemies, he says : 

" I am not sensible, Mr. President, of having neglected any gentle- 
men, either in the civil or military line, who have adhered to the cause 
of their country, and who have put it into my power to take notice of 
them; with respect to gentlemen in the civil line and army, I can appeal 
to the candour of congress and to the army, as scarcely a day passed but 
many of both were entertained by me; they are the best judges of my 
company and conduct. 

"With respect to att'^ntion to those of an opposite character, I have 
paid none but such, as in my situation, was justifiable on the principles 
of common humanity and politeness. The president and council of Penn- 
sylvania will pardon me, if I cannot divest myself of humanity, merely 
out of complaisance to them. 

"It is enough for me, Mr. President, to contend with men in the field; 
I have not yet learned to carry on a warfare against tvomen, or to consider 
every man as disaffected to our glorious cause, who, from an opposition 



256 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

in sentiment to those in power in the state of Pennsylvania, may, by the 
clamour of part j/, be stiled a tonj ; it is well known, that this odious ap- 
pellation has, in that state been applied by some, indiscriminately, to 
several of illustrious character, both in the civil and military line. 

"On this occasion I think I maybe allowed to say, without vanity, 
that my conduct, from the earliest period of the war to the present time, 
has been steady and uniform. I have ever obeyed the calls of my coun- 
try, and stepped forth in her defence in every hour of danger, when many 
were deserting- her cause, which appeared desperate: I have often bled 
in it; the marks that 1 bear, are sufficient evidence of my conduct. The 
impartial public will judge of my services, and whether the returns that 
I have met with are not tinctured with the basest ingratitude. Conscious 
of my own innocence, and the unworthy me' hods taken to injure m'', I 
can with boldness say to my persecutors in general, and to the chief of 
them in particular, that in the hour of danger, when the affairs of Amer- 
ica wore a gloomy asiject, when our illustrious general was retreating 
through New- Jersey, with a handful of men, I did not propose to my 
associates, basely to quit the general, and sacrifice the cause of my coun- 
try to my personal safety, by going over to the enemy, and making my 
peace. I can say I never basked in the sunshine of my general's favour, 
and courted him to his face, when I was at the same time treating him 
with the greatest disrespect, and villifying his character when absent. 
This is more than a ruling member of the council of the state of Penn- 
sylvania can say, ' as it is alleged and helievedJ' " ^ 

He concluded as follows : 

" I have now gone through all the charges exhibited against m^; and 
have given to each such an answer as I thought it deserved. Are they 
all, or any of them supported by truth and evidence? or rather, does not 
each of them appear to this honourable court to be totally destitute of 

1. The above allusion to President Reed js expla'ned by the statement of Gen- 
John Cadwalader, in his reply to Reed, published in Philadelphia in 1783. 

He says: "Arnold having received his information (about Gen. Reed), from me, 
when he (Arnold) apologised to me for inserting it in his defence without my per- 
mission, I remarked that an apology was unnecessary, from the public manner in 
which he mentioned it. Arnold was commanding in this city: very generally vis- 
ited by the officers of the army, citizens and strangers. I received the usual civil- 
ities from him and returned them, and often met him at the tables of gentlemen of 
this city. To my civilities, at that time, I thought him entitled, from the signal 
services he had rendered the country; services infinitely superior to those you 
boast of. He stood high as a military character, even in France, and even after 
yourper.secution he was continued in command by Congress; appointed first by the 
Commander-in-Chief, to the left wing of the army, and afterwards to the important 
post of West Point, where his treacherous conduct exceeded,. I fancy, even your 
ideas of his \>2>&QnQ^s."— Cadwalader s Reply to Heed, p. 143. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 257 

every semblance of a foundation in fact? and yet baseless as they tliem- 
selves are, they were intended to support a fabric with the weight of 
which attempts were made to crush my reputation and fortunes: I al- 
lude to the preliminary resolution of the council, containing severe but 
general strictures upon my character and conduct; strictures of such a 
serious and important nature, that they themselves were sensible the 
public would not think them justified in making them, unless upon the 
most unquestionable grounds. Let them now be measured by their own 
standard. Had they unquestionable grounds to go upon? Why then, 
in opposition to every principle of candour and justice, in opposition to 
their own ideas of candour and justice, did they make and publish resolu- 
tions, containing censures of such a high import against me? 

** An artful appearance of tenderness, and regard for my services, by 
which the council are pleased to say, I formerly distinguished myself, is 
held forth in the introduction to their charges. Did they mean by this 
to pour balsam, or to pour poison into my wounds? I leave it to this 
court, and to the world to judge, whether they intended it to balance the 
demerits they then urged against me, by my former good conduct, as far 
as it would go; or whether they designed it as a sting to their charges, 
by persuading the public, that my demerits were so enormous, that even 
the greatest and most unaffected tenderness for my character, would not 
excuse them in continuing silent any longer. 

" If, in the course of my defence, I have taken up the time of the court 
longer than they expected, they will, I trust, impute it to the nature of 
the accusations against me; many of which, though not immediately be- 
fore you as charges, were alledged as facts, and were of such a complex- 
ion as to render it necessary to make some observations upon them; be- 
cause they were evidently calculated to raise a prejudice against me, not 
only among the people at large, but in the minds of those who were to be 
my judges. 

" I have looked forward with pleasing anxiety to the present day, 
when, by the judgment of my fellow soldiers, I shall (I doubt not) stand 
honourably acquitted of all the charges brought against me, and again 
share with them the glory and danger of this just war." 

On the 22nd of January, 17% tlie Judge xidvocate, ii/ f 
reply to General Arnold's address, stated the evidence in , 
relation to every charge, and submitted the case. On the' 
26th the court met and announced their final judgment. 
After stating that they had carefully considered the several 
charges, the evidence, and the defense, they decided, first: 
17 



258 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

that the permission Arnold had given for a vessel to leave 
a port in the possession of the enemy, to enter a port in the 
United States, was illegal. In regard to the second charge, 
that of the order closing the shops and stores of Philadel- 
phia, the court decided that he Avas justified in doing so by 
the resolution of Congress and by the instructions of Gen- 
eral Washington; and in regard to the latter part of the 
same charge, that of making purchases for his own benefit, 
they say they "are clearly of opinion that it is icnsuj?' 
2?orted^ and they do fully acquit General Arnold?'' 

They also acquit of the third charge (that of imposing 
menial offices on the military). Hespecting the fourth 
charge (relating to the use of the wagons) the court say, 
" It appears that General Arnold made application to the 
Quartermaster-General, to supply him with wagons to re- 
move property in imminent danger from the enemy; that 
the wagons were supplied on this application, which had 
been drawn from the State of Pennsylvania for the public 
service, and that General Arnold intended this application 
as a private request, and had no design of employing the 
wagons otherwise than at his own private expense, nor of 
defrauding the public, nor of injuring or impeding the 
public service: but considering the delicacy attending the 
high station in which he acted, and that requests from him 
might operate as commands, the court were of opinion the 
request was imprudent and improper, and therefore ought 
not to have been made." The court sentenced him to re- 
ceive a reprimand from the Commander-in-Chief.* 

It will be observed that the court exonerate and acquit 
General Arnold of all intentional wrong, expressly declaring 
that the charge of making purchases for his own benefit was 
entirely unsupported, and they therefore " fully acquit him ;" 
and that, in the use of the wagons, that it was done 

1. See judgment in full, Arnold's Trial, pp. 144-5. 



niS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 259 

"without any design of defrauding the public or impeding 
the public service." 

The charge of making purchases for his own beneiit, 
notwithstanding the declaration of the court that it w^as 
" clearly their opinion that it was entirely unsupported, and 
their full acquittal," has been repeated and reiterated in 
most of the histories of the war of the Itevolution. I 
submit that the judgment of the court after a month's most 
thorough investigation, with a prosecution zealous, active, 
and bitter, and with the whole power and influence of tlio 
State authorities to aid, that the judgment of the court, 
after an investigation so searching and exhaustive, ought 
to be regarded as final and conclusive. 

In regard to the fourth charge, relating to the prize of 
the sloop " Active," it seems to me the answer of General 
Arnold is complete. By a statement of his found among 
tlie " Shippen Papers," it appears that the original captors 
were from Connecticut, his native State, and that tliey 
applied to him for aid in securing their rights, and that he 
did aid them by his purse and advice, and that in the Court 
of Appeals they succeeded by a unanimous vote as against 
Pennsylvania. These claimants were poor, and to secure 
Irimself for necessary advances, Arnold purchased an 
interest in their claim. He may have done this from 
motives of kindness to the claimants, or as a speculation. 
If he took advantage of their necessities to obtain the 
interest for less than its value, he certainly did wrong; but 
occupying the high and delicate official position he did in 
the State of Pennsylvania, he ought to have declined 
having anything to do with the controversy. But there 
was nothing necessarily involving his integrity in the trans- 
action, and so upon the whole I think the judgment of 
"Washington Irving will be concurred in by all candid and 
fair judges who attentively consider the question. "Ko 



260 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

tiirpitude had been proved against liim, — his brilliant 
exploits shed a splendor around his name, and he appeared 
before the pnblic a soldier crippled in tlieir service. All 
these should have pleaded in his favor — should have 
produced indulgence of his errors, and mitigated that 
animosity which he always contended had been the cause of 
his ruin." ^ 

The result of this trial may be summed up in a few 
words. Arnold was fully exonerated and acquitted of all 
intentional wrong; of all private speculation; the court 
finding he had no design of defrauding or injuring the pub- 
lic; but the pass he had issued, was "irregular" and "ille- 
gal;" and idle public wagons, without impeding the public 
service, had been used to remove property in imminent 
danger from the enemy, which they say, in their opinion, 
" was imprudent and improper." These errors Irving 
justly characterises as "venial." The finding of the court 
was approved by Congress. Tlie sentence, implying to a 
sensitive soldier the idea of guilt and public disgrace, must 
have been yielded as a concession to the State of Pennsyl- 
vania, for certainly it was a non-sequitor to the verdict of 
the court expressly exonerating him from all intentional 
wrong, and such finding would not demand a punishment 
so severe. 

He had confidently expected a full acquittal. He had 
closed his defense by saying, with deep feeling : " I have 
looked forward with pleasing anxiety to the present day, 
when, by the judgment of my fellow soldiers I shall (I 
doubt not) stand honorably acquitted of all the charges 
brought against me, and again share with them the glory 
and the danger of this just war." When, therefore, he was 
so severely sentenced, he was astounded. It was an unex- 
pected, a terrible, a fatal blow. I cannot resist the conclu- 

1. living's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 23. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 261 

sion that, if he had been honorably discharged, as he had a 
right to expect when the court acquitted him of all inten- 
tional wrong, and found that he had "no design of 
defrauding the public," he would gladly and eagerly have 
joined General Washington; have accepted the position of 
second in command, soon to be offered him, and shared 
with his great chief in the " danger and the glory of the 
war." I say this, not unmindful that he had probably 
before this time listened to secret overtures from the ene- 
my — perhaps held secret correspondence with him ; but while 
he was already guilty of having listened to and encouraged 
their overtures, he was not yet irretrievably lost/ 

'No alternative on the part of Washington was left but 
publicly to reprimand and disgrace a favorite officer. 
IN^othing can be conceived more honorable to the generous 
feelings of Washington, more delicate towards the wounded 
])ride of Arnold, than the reprimand. 

''Our profession is the chastest of all; even the shadow 
of a fault tarnishes the lustre of our finest achievements. 
The least inadvertence may rob us of the public favor, so 
hard to be acquired. I reprimand you for having forgotten 
that in proportion as you have rendered yourself formidable 
to our enemies, you should have been guarded and tem- 
perate in your deportment towards your fellow-citizens. 
Exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you 
on the list of our most valued commanders. I will myself 
furnish you, as far as it may be in my power, with oppor- 
tunities of regaining the esteem of your country." ^ 

\. 1. In the manuscript copy of General Clinton's report to Lord Geo. Germain, 
'dated Oct. 11, 1780, he says: "About eighteen months since, I had some reason to 
conclude that the American Major-General Arnold was desirous of quilting the 
rebel service and joining the cause of Great Britain." 

This is, so far as I know, the most direct evidence, tending to show the date of the 
beginingof the criminal negotiations. 

\2. " Nor is there an opportunity of acquiring honor, which I can shape for you, 
f to which as it occurs I will not gladly prefer yon.— Scott's Count Robert, of Paris, to 
Hereward, p. 391. 



262 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

This reprimand has been mucli admired in Europe, as 
well as in America. Certainly nothing in the writings of 
Washington is more beautiful in language, more generous 
and noble in sentiment. His words are those of one 
brother-soldier to another, compelled to inflict pain which 
he obviously thinks undeserved. 

In reading it, it is somewhat difficult to say for what of- 
fence Washington reprimands Arnold. Was it for "the 
shadow of a fault ? " or " an inadvertence ? " Literally be- 
cause, " as you have rendered yourself formidable to our 
enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in 
your deportment towards your fellow-citizens." But it is 
not difficult to see for what virtues Washington honored 
the object upon whom he was compelled to inflict disgrace. 
He hastens to say "exhibit anew those noble qualities which 
have placed you on the list of our most valued command- 
ers; I will myself furnish you the opportunities." If Wash- 
ington could have sent him at once into some terrible bat- 
tle, to lead some "forlorn hope," or on any desperate enter- 
prise, where death or victory could have been sought, 
Arnold might have been saved; might have again shared 
with his comrades " the glory and the danger of a just war." 

What the public opinion of the people and of the army 
was- in regard to this sentence of the court, may be in- 
ferred from the proceedings of the Executive Council of 
Pennsylvania. On the 3d of February, 1780, the follow- 
ing action seems to have been extorted from his prosecu- 
tors by the indignation of the army and the people at the 
sentence. " We do not" say they " think it proper to afl'ect 
ignorance of what is the subject of public conversation, and 
the sentence of the court-martial tending to impose a mark 
of reprehension upon General Arnold. We find his suffer- 
ings for, and services to, his country so deeply impressed 
upon our minds as to obliterate every opposing sentiment, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 26 



o 



and tlierefore beg leave to request that Congress will be 
pleased to dispense with the part of the sentence which im- 
poses a public censure, and may most affect tlie feelings of 
a brave and gallant officer." * 

But Congress did not modify the sentence, and Arnold 
was publicly disgraced. The feelings of Washington 
towards him are described in a letter from Schuyler to 
Arnold, dated June 2nd, 1780. " He (Washington) says 
Schuyler, " expressed a desire to do whatever was agreea- 
ble to you ; dwelt on your abilities, your merits, your suffer- 
ings, and on the well earned claims you have on your coun- 
try. * * * He expressed himsf If with regard to you in 
terms such as the friends who love you could wish." ^ 

1. Trialof Arnold p. 1G8. 

2. The following is the letter in full : 

"MoRRisTowN, June 2, 1780. 
" My dear Sir : 

"The letter which I did myself the pleasure to write y6u on the 11th of May, you 
had not received when yours of the 25th was written. In that I aivised you that 
I had conversed with the General on the subject which passed between us before I 
left Philadelphia ; that he appeared undecided on the occasion, I believe because 
no arrangement was made, for he expressed himself with regard to you in terms 
such as the friends who love you could wish. When I received yours of the 25th 
May, I read it to him ; he was much ingaged ; next day he requested to know the 
contents again. I pxit it into his hands : he expressed a desire to do whatever was 
agreable to you, dwelt on your abilities, your merits, y mr sufferings, and on the 
well earned claims you have on your country, and intimated that as soon as his 
arrangements for the campaign should take place, that he would properly consider 
you. I believe you will have an alternative proposed, either to take charge of an 
importani post, with an 'honorable command, or your station in the field, ^'our 
reputation, my dear sir, so established, your honorable scars, put it decidedly in 
your power to take either. A State which has full confidence in you will wish to 
see its banner entrusted to you. If the command at West Point is offered, it will be 
honorable ; if a division in the field, you must judge whether you can support the 
fatigues, circumstanced as you are. 

" Mrs. Schuyler proposes a jaunt to Philadelphia ; if she goes I shall accompany 
her, and have the pleasure of seeing you. She joins me in every friendly wish; 
please to make my respects to your lady and her amiable sisters. 

" Believe me, with the most affectionate regard and esteem, 

" Yours, most sincerely, etc., etc., 

" Philip Schuyler." 

—Schuyler to Arnold, Jane 2, 1780. See Life of Reed, Vol. II, pp. 276-7. 

I am aware that after Arnold's treason, Washington, as was natural, used very dif- 
lorent language in regard to him, and makes some qualifications of the language 



264 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Eut this public disgrace left a wound which no kind 
words, no sympathy from Washington or Schuyler, or 
other friends, could ever heal. Proud, high spirited, a 
sense of injustice and wrong rankled and irritated, until it 
poisoned and prepared the way for the consummation of his 
crime. 

attributed to him by Schuyler. But in the same letter, Washington says the con- 
versation detailed by Schuyler made very little impression upon him, and Schuy- 
ler's letter was written very soon after the conversation took place, and Washington 
did, a few days after this interview with Schuyler, offer to General Arnold the com- 
mand of the left wing of his own army. 



CHAPTEE XV. 

ARNOLD'S TREASON. 

" He falls like Lucifer, 
Never to hope again." 

The Motives which led to Arnold's Tbeason— His Wrongs— Inducements Held 
Out to him by British Emissaries— They Try to Convince him the Contest 
Hopeless, and that England Offers all for which he Drew his Sword— 
Supposed Meeting between him and Beverly Robinson— Letter to Arnold, 
Attributed to Robinson by Marbois— Arnold Yields to the Temptations 
Offered and Seeks the Command of West Point— Meets Washington at 
King's Ferry, who Offers him the Command of the Left Wing op his 
Army— Tradition that Arnold said his Defection was to Prevent more 
Bloodshed— Meeting of Arnold and Andre— Supposed Conversation be- 
tween them— Andre's Capture— His Letter to Washington. 

The rising sun is bright, Avarm and genial: the eclipse, 
dark, cold, dreary and repulsive. 

"We have followed the rising glory of Arnold's fame, and 
now approach its eclipse; an eclipse from which he never 
emerged. Let us try and analyze the causes which led to 
his fall, a melancholy fall, a fall w^hich Irving said Avill 
make his name " sadly conspicuous to the end of time." 
Let us try to ascertain, if possible, wdiat motives controlled, 
what temptations seduced him. 

The reader of the previous pages will not need to have 
recalled the strange, mysterious, almost inexplicable acts 
of cruel injustice w^ith which Congress had treated him: 

(265) 



266 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

acts which no remonstrance of AYashington conlcl prevent, 
no expostulation or entreaty of his could induce them to 
correct; acts which indicated a hostility which no service of 
Arnold could entirely overcome or conciliate. Beginning 
early in his military life and continuing down to their 
approval of the severe sentence by the court-martial, of a 
"reprimand" — a public disgrace which even his bitter ene- 
mies of the Pennsylvania Council asked Congress to dis- 
pense with. Either from magnanimity or a less worthy 
motive, they sent a letter to Congress, in which they " beg 
leave to request that Congress will be pleased to dispense 
with that part of the sentence which imposes a public 
censure, and may most affect the feelings of a brave and 
gallant officer." ^ !N^either his crippled condition, the blood 
he had shed in the service of his country, the finding of the 
court exonerating him from all intentional wrong, nor even 
the request of his prosecutors, could overcome the hostility 
of his enemies in Congress, and that body approved the 
sentence, and left him to be disgraced by a " public censure." 
The numerous letters of General Washington, quoted 
on these pages, the letter of General Schuyler, mentioned 
in the last chapter, and the so-called reprimand, clearly in- 
dicate the opinion of "VYashington as between Arnold and 
his enemies. Indeed, it is very probable that a portion of 
the hostility on the part of some members of Congress to- 
wards Arnold, may be attributed to Washington's known 
friendship for him. It was safer to strike one of Washing- 
ton's favorite officers, who had faults, and was often indis- 
creet, than to strike the Commander-in-Chief. The action 
of Congress, and the public disgrace of a reprimand, drove 
him to desperation; and from that time he inclined to the 
temptations which, since his residence in Philadelphia, had 
been constantly addressed to him; and he now heard, day 

1. Reed to Congress. Arnold's Trial, p. 16S. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 267 

after day, without rebuke, if not with satisfaction, the 
loyalists of that city denounce Congress and expatiate 
upon his wrongs and sufferings. His connection with the 
Shippen family brought him into social relations with the 
old tory families of that city, and he lived largely in an 
atmosphere of loyalty to the crown. It is difficult to over- 
estimate the injluence of such a social circle upon opinions 
and conduct. I am unable, by any positive or clear evi- 
dence, to fix upon the exact date when Arnold's corre- 
spondence with the enemy began. It is stated by Mr. 
Sparks, " that he had already made secret advances to the 
enemy, under a feigned name, intending to square his con- 
duct according to circumstances; and prepared, if the 
court decided against him, to seek revenge at any haz- 
ard." I have good reason to believe the advances were 
made from the other side.^ That the idea of leaving the 
service of his country had occurred to him, or had been 
suggested to him some time before his trial, but only to be 
spurned with indignation, appears from a letter of his to 
General Gates as early as August, 1777, in which he says 
" a few days since I was informed that Congress had 
accepted my resignation.^ I have had no advice of it from 
the President, l^o public or private injury or insult shall 
prevail on me to forsctke the cause of iny injured and \ 
ojyjpressed country until I see peace and liberty restored, or ' 
nobly die in the attempt." ^ At a still earlier period, when, 
althouofh "WashiuiJjton had said to Cono^ress there was not in 
his army " a more active, a more spirited, a more sensible 
officer" than Arnold, then the senior Brigadier General, 

1. See letter ascribed to Beverly Robinson, quoted hereafter. 

2. This resignation he had tendered after Congress had refused him his proper 
rank : he withdrew it and joined Schuyler at the approach of Burgoyne, as stated 
in a former chapter. 

3. From Gates' papers, Vol. IX, p. 42, in New York Historical Society. 



268 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

3''et in the promotions lie was passed, and in writing to 
Gates, he said: 

"By heavens, I am a villain, if I seek not a brave re- 
venge for injured honor.-' In the light of his subsequent 
conduct, by " a hxive revenge^'' he may fairly be understood to 
have meant a still more efficient service of his country, and 
a still more hazardous exposure of his life in her defense. 
How deplorable that this sentiment, this kind of " revenge" 
did not control him to the end ! Does he not exhibit an- 
other illustration of the truth, that 

*' Vice is a monster of so frightful mien, 
As, to be hated, needs but to be seen. 
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face, 
We first endure, then pity, then embrace." 

Did Arnold, w^hen the idea of desertion was first sug- 
gested to him, spurn it ; then, when other wrongs and 
injuries brought it back, first "endure," then encour- 
age, and finally " embrace" it ? "When he was fighting the 
battles of his country, and his known wrongs caused the 
friends of the crown to suggest desertion, he replied with 
all the indignation of Hazael to the prophet, " Is thy ser- 
vant a dog that he should do this great thing ? " 

I return to the question, what were his controlling 
motives ? I dismiss as unworthy of a moment's consider- 
ation the idea that a money bribe had any controlling 
influence upon him. He received a compensation for his 
losses, as the English General, Charles Lee, who resigned 
and sought and received a commission from Congress, 
received thirty thousand dollars from the United States to 
cover his losses.^ Arnold sought money, and sometimes 

1. Charles Lee demanded [and received from Congrees 830.000 as an indemnity 
for his losses in quitting the British and joining the Americans.— ^ancro/i.FoZ. JA", 
p. 163. 

When captured by the British and threatened with punishment as a deserter, he 
betrayed the United States, and was, therefore, un faith ftil by turns to both 
governments.— ,See Treason of Charles Lee by Geo. H. Moore; Bancroft, Vol. IX, pp. 330, 
331. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 269 

bj means unworthy of a distinguished soldier, but when 
acquired, few scattered it more fi-eely. He squandered it 
upon liimself and family ; he shared it generously with his 
friends. His purse, when there was anything in it, was 
always open to Mansfield and Lamb and Frank and others. 
He was no miserly hoarder; he did not care for money 
for itself, but his lavish expenditures induced him to 
seek to supply his wants by commerce, and by buying in- 
terests in privateers preying upon English merchantmen. 
The controlling influences which prepared the way for tlie 
tempter and led to his crime, were a deep and bitter sense 
of long continued wrong, and personal resentment, and re- 
venge. He was a proud, strong hater, constant to his 
friends, and unyielding to his enemies, though placable 
when thev made the first advances. To a burnino^ sense of 
public injustice was added the humiliation of the personal 
triumph over him of bitter, cruel, and persistent enemies. 
His defense before the court-martial shows how deeply his 
passions were stirred against his foes, in and out of Cort^ 
gress. " Such a vile prostitution of power, and such in- 
stances of glaring tyrannj^ and injustice, I believe," says he, 
" are unparalleled in the history of a free people." He 
characterizes the charges against him " as false, malicious, 
and scandalous." His accusers were " the murderers of his 
reputation." How keenly he felt the delay caused by the 
prosecution, appears from his earnest, sometimes jDathetic, 
appeals to Washington for a speedy trial. " Delay to him, 
he said, was worse than death." I seek not to extenuate, 
much less to justify Arnold's crime. Indeed, for his trea- 
son there can be no plea but the one plea of "guilty." 
I^n'o provocation can extenuate, no ingratitude or injustice ex- 
cuse it. There are circumstances of aggravation, if anything 
can aggravate treachery and treason. Among these circum- 
stances were his obligations as a soldier, Wasliington's en- 



270 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

during friendship, and the personal devotion to hira of some 
of his subordinates and comrades, such as Yarick, Livingston, 
Frank, Lamb, Schuyler and others. Most of them had 
fouo-ht with him, and some of them had fouo^ht for him, in 
defense of his reputation. N^othing but his desertion could 
alienate their devoted attachment. Therefore, I repeat, I 
can neither extenuate nor excuse his crime. I do not 
qualify my abhorrence and detestation of that crime, but I 
am trying to lift the veil, and see the working of the 
motives, the struggles of the proud heart, by which this 
once earnest, sincere, zealous patriot was converted into a 
traitor. Let us then try to imagine his feelings after his 
disgrace. His enemies were exulting in their triumph. 
The wounds inflicted upon his person by the enemies of 
his country he could bear, but not those upon his character, 
by his personal enemies in the name of his country. 
While thus humiliated and desperate, he allowed himself 
to speak in temperately, unguardedly of Congress, and 
especially of the authorities of Pennsylvania. The loyalists 
of Philadelphia hearing these remarks, and eager for the 
defection and acquisition of a soldier so distinguished, 
deliberately set about to seduce him. Men and women of 
high personal character, of reputation, culture and ability, 
flattered him, filled his ears with sympathy for his wrongs, 
exaggerated the injustice of his country, kept alive his in- 
dignation towards his enemies, insisted that the contest for 
independence was hopeless, and endeavored to convince him 
that he might redress all his wrongs, triumph over his en- 
emies, and that, too, as they perhaps honestly believed, 
without injury, but with advantage to his country. " Britain 
now off'ers," said they, " all and more than all which the 
colonies asked when you drew your sword, and the war be- 
gan. She now offers everything, independence only ex- 
cepted. She now declares there shall be no taxation with- 



HIS . PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 271 

out representation. The colonies sliall impose what taxes 
they please, and mal^e their own laws. Every grievance 
shall be redressed, and paternal and filial relations restored." 
The loyalists appealed to Arnold to become the reconciler 
between contending: brothers. 

" Stop, we pray yon," said they, " the fast flowing blood 
of kindred and countrymen." '' Stop this cruel w^ar, and 
the wives and mothers of the starving, naked, bare-footed, 
unpaid soldiers of the Continental army will rise up and 
bless you as the peace-maker." 

" Why," said the British emissary, " why shed more blood 
when we are willing to grant all you are fighting for? Save 
the people from the factions of Congress. Save them from 
anarchy. Save these Protestant colonies from becoming 
the vassals of Roman Catholic France. Act the part of 
General Monk in English history. United by a just and 
cordial union, England and her American colonies can defy 
the world. We have the same language, the same laws and 
literature; the same great Magna Charta w^hich secures the 
rights and liberties of Englishmen at home, shall protect 
the Americans here. As Clive saved the British Empire 
in India, we implore you to save it in America." Such, we 
may believe, were tho appeals addressed to him by British 
agents, and especially by Colonel Beverly Robinson, and 
the loyalists of Philadelphia.' 

And then these emissaries, disguising, or perhaps not fully 
realizing the baseness of the treachery they were tempting 

1. See letter found among Arnold's papers at West Point, attributed to Robinson 
by Marbois, quoted hereafter. See, also, Life of Andre by Sargent, Appendix, p. 
447; also Marbois' Conspiracy of Arnold. Colonel Beverly Robinson, the son of 
President Robinson, born in Virginia, and until separated by political events, the 
friend of Washington. He died in England after the war, and his large estate in 
New York was confiscated. He was a correspondent of Arnold before Arnold went 
to West Point. He accompanied Andre up the Hudson, on the Vulture. It is 
stated in a note by the translator of Chastellux' Travels, published in London, 1787, 
that a Lieutenant Hele was an active spy in Philadelphia, in 1778, and it has been 
suggested that he was the first to make treasonable suggestions tj Arnold. 



272 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

liim to practice, pointed out to liim tlie glory he would 
acliieve. " You," said they, ^' can end the war. You can 
secure the liberties of your country. You can be her bene- 
factor. You will receive the gratitude of both Britain and 
America by re-uniting both in one great cojnm on wealth; 
and this accomplished, what title among England's proud 
nobility will be too high a reward for such a service? 
" We ajDpeal to you to restore the union between your 
native land and the land of your forefathers. Great Britain 
is not like France, a foreign country. Your ancestors for 
many generations sleep in the soil of Old England, and now 
with an offer to redress every grievance for which you drew 
your sword, she asks you to give both countries, Old Eng- 
land, your fatherland, and J^ew England, your native land, 
peace and harmony." And then pointing to the disordered 
finances, the feeble and starving army of Washington, the 
factions and corruptions so generally prevailing, they tried 
to show him that to fight longer was hopeless as well as unnec- 
essary. The careful student of the history of those days 
will find much to justify ^rave doubts of final success. 
These depressing facts, some of which I will enumerate, 
only make the constancy and fortitude of Washington and 
Ids faithful associates more conspicuous. In a letter to 
Schuyler, Washington says, " I liardly thought it possible 
at one period to keep the army together."^ "At one time 
the soldiers eat every kind of horse food but hay.'- "Un- 
less," says he, " Congress and the States act with more en- 
ergy than they have hitherto done, our cause is lost." ^ 

Lafayette writing to Washington, says, " There are open 
dissensions in Congress — parties who hate one another as 
much as the common enemy." ^ 

1. MarshaU's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 196. 

2. Marshall's Life of Washington, p. 214. 

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 488. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 273 

While the army was nearly starving, ragged and almost 
naked, the treasmy without money, the States and Congress 
rent by factions, and affairs generally in the most gloomy 
condition, Washington's effective force was reduced to little 
more than 3,000 men, and Sir Henry Clinton returned from 
the conquest of South Carolina with 4,000 troops/ And 
the British force in and about New York was 12,000. 
Washington, writing to Congress at this crisis, says: " There 
is no time to be lost; the danger is imminent and pressing; 
the obstacles to be overcome are great and numerous, and 
our efforts must be instant, unreserved, and nniversal." 
Hamilton, writing to George Clinton, says: '^ They (Con- 
gress) have disgusted the army by repeated instances of the 
most whimsical favoritism." ^ 

Many of the best patriots were in despair. Washington 
himself says in a letter dated May 28, 1780, "Unless 
a system very different from that which has long prevailed 
be immediately adopted throughout the States, our affairs 
must soon become desperate, beyond the possibility of re- 
covery. * "^ Indeed^ I have almost ceased to hojoey^ It 
was when everything looked so dark and discouraging that 
the emissaries of Britain and the tories made their 
most determined efforts to win over Arnold to the royal 
cause. I have endeavored to recall some of the arguments 
and sophistries they breathed into his ears at a moment 
when he was desperate and chafing with real injuries. 
The English view of his conduct appears by the press of 
that day. His desertion is compared to that of Churchill 
(Marlborough) who deserted James, Lord Cornbury at 
Honiton, the great Montrose and others.* There is a 

1. MarshaU's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. ?32-3. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol, V, p. 508. 
••}. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 58. 

4. The folloAving letter, quoted from the London Chronicle, of Dec. 14th, 1789, p. 
572, will verify the text: 

"CHARACTER OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

" Sir : We in the country have been looking up to your town writers, to see whether 
18 



1 

274 LIFE OF BENEDICT AUNOLD. 

tradition among some of Arnold's descendants, of a m(5et-t 
ing between him and Beverly Eobinson. I do not vouch 
for its truth, but I have more reason to believe it than to 

any one would speak of Arnold as he ought to be spoken of. His joining the King's 
troops is a matter of importance. He is not only a heaven-born soldier, as Clive 
Avas called, and a proof how soon a man of spirit may become an excellent officer, 
and may step from a shop and a counting-nouse into the first military ranks, and 
there distinguish himself; but he seems to have acted ihriughout from a spirit 
which would have adorned nobility. When he imagined his country was wronged, 
he rushed forth into arms; and his Canada expedition, so well wrote in the Annu- 
al Register of 1776, shows him not .second to the brave Montgomery. 

*• Wherever you find Arnold mentioned in action during this war, he shines above 
all his compeers. We have looked upon him only as a soldier, but in his last 
action we find him a true American citizen, who having resisted what he thought 
to be British tyranny as briskly and determinedly as any man, would no longer 
uphold ihQ tji'anny of the usurpers in America, who criminally protract the war from 
sinister views at the ex ease of the public interest, by ai tifices after Britain, with the open 
arms of an induhjent parent offered to embrace them as children, and gi'ant the wished for 
redress of grcviances ^ohich had made him a soldier. The welfare of his coun'ry once 
attained, he thought all strife should have ceased. He lamenfed the impolmj, tyranny and 
injustice which xvith a sovereign contempt of the people of America studiously neglected 
to take their collective sentiments of the British proposals of peace which exceeded all 
the gpnei-al wishes and expectations. The same usurpation had the insolence without 
the aialhority of the people, to conclude a treaty rrhich to this very hour the people have 
not ratified, xvith France, the proud, ancient and crajiyfoe, whose business ai.d whose aim 
it is to destrcyhoXh the mother Countiy and the provinces. When he saw no man in 
the Ametican lines dared to speak, or write his sentiments on. the tyranny of a 
desperate party in Congress who were ruining and enslaving America, and render- 
ing her a vassal of France (an abject appendage to the crown of that kingdom), 
what could a brave mind like that of Arnold do but resist the evil of his former party, 
refuse to be the tool to setup ruin, tyranny and vassalage to France, forsake himself, 
and cause as many as he could to forsake the destroyers of his country, and make 
that event of service to America ! I honour him for It, as I did Churchill who left 
James II. Every WhigAvill honor Lord Cornbury, who, under pretence of beating 
up the Prince of Orange's quarters at Honiton, carried off to the Prince four regi- 
ments of horse. There are public moments which oblige men thus to act, and for 
which, if there be no privat- emolument in the case, no bargain and sale to vitiate 
the principle, but high regard only for the general Avelfare. men of really just 
minds must honour them. I remember the great Montrose, when before his judges 
at Edinburgh, who upbraided him with having broken the covenant answered : 
"He had done nothing oftvhich he was ashamed, or had cause to r<pent: that the first 
covenaiU he had taken, and complied withit, and with them tvhotookit, as long as the 
ends for which it was ordained were observed : but wh n lie discovered, which vias 
now evident to all the world, that private and particidar men designed to satisfy their 
own anMtiun and interest, instead of considering tlic pxiblic benefit, etc., he hadwithdrau-n 
himself from that engagement." * 

It is not necessary to say that the foregoing is quoted simply to show how 
Englishmen regarded Arnold's treason. 

* In Clarendon's History. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 275 

credit the accuracy of the speeclies put into the mouths of 
Luzerne and Arnold by Marbois. 

A manuscript letter, without signature, found at "West 
Point after Arnold's flight, and which has been attributed 
to Beverly Eobinson, contains a statem.ent of many of the 
considerations supposed to have been addressed to him, 
urging his defection. * 

1. In Sargent's Life of Andre, p. 447, it is said : " It is probable that the letter 
which Marbois says was found among his papers, was written by Robinson." Connt 
Barbe Marbois, Secretary of the French Legation at the time of the conspiracy, in his 
" Complot U Arnold et De Sir Henry Clinton, contre Les Etats-Unis D'Amerique" pub- 
lished in Paris in 1816, declares the letter was found at West Point, and says : " Jl 
etoit concu en ces termes," and he then inserts the letter in quotation marks. It is 
not probable that Marbois forged the letter. It tends to show that Arnold may 
have been influenced in part by less selfish and less criminal motives than those 
usually attributed to him; but Marbois shows no disposition to extenuate his 
guilt. 

Sabine in his Loyalists, declares it certain that Robinson was in communication 
with Arnold, and this is corroborated by Joshua H. Smith. 

The following is the text of the letter, as translated from Marbois by Sargent: 

" Among the Americans who have joined the rebel standard, there are very many 
good citizens whose only object has been the happiness of their country. Sucli 
men will not be influenced by motives of private interest to abandon the cause 
they have espoused. They are now ofl'ered everything which can render the 
colonies really happy ; and this is the only compensation worthy of their virtue. 

" The American colonies shall have their Parliament, composed of two chambers, 
with all its members of American birth. Those of the upper house shall have titles 
and rank simi ar to those of the house of peers in England. All their laws, and 
particularly such as relate to money matters, shall be the production of this 
assembly, with the concurrence of a viceroy. Commerce, In every part of the 
globe subject to British sway, shall be as free to the people of the thirteen colonies 
as to the English of Europe. They will enjoy, in every sense of the phrase, 
the blessings of good government. They shall be sustained, In time of need, 
by all the power necessary to uphold them, without being themselves exposed to 
the dangers or subjected to the expenses that are always inseparable from the con- 
dition of a State. 

" Such are the terms proffered by England at the very moment when she is dis- 
playing extraordinary efforts to conquer the obedience of her colonies. 

" Shall America remain, without limitation of time, a scece of desolation.— or are 
you desirous of enjoying Peace and all the blessings of her train? Shall your 
Provinces, as in former days, flourish under the protection of the most puissant 
nation of the world? Or will you forever pursue that shadow of liberty which 
still escapes from your hand, even when in the act of grasping it? And how soon 
would that very liberty, once obtained, turn int > licentiousness, if it be not under 
the safeguardof a great European power? Will you rely upon the guaranty of 
France? They among you Avhom she has seduced may assure you that her 
assistance will be generous and disinterested, and that slie will never exact from 
you a servile obedience. They are frantic with joy at the alliance already estab- 



276 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Sabine is antlioritj, as before stated, that Eobinson and 
Arnold were in communication before Arnold went to West 
Point. Smith declares that while Arnold occupied the 
Eobinson House, in 1780, he often dined with him, and 

lished, and promise you that Spain -will immediately follow the example of 
France. Are they ignorant that each of these States has an equal interest in 
keeping you under, and will combine to accomplish their end? Thousands of 
men have perished ; immense resources have been exhausted ; and yet, since that 
fatal alliance the dispute has become more embittered than ever. Everything 
urges us to put a conclusion to dissensions not less detrimental to the victors 
than to the vanquished: but desirable as peace is, it cannot be negot ated and 
agreed upon between us as between two independent powers ; it is necessary that 
a decisive advantage should put Britain in a condition to dictate the terms of 
reconciliation. It is her interest as well as her policy to make these as advan- 
tageous to one side as the other; but it is at the same time advisable to arrive 
at it without any unnecessary waste of that blood of which we are already as 
sparing as though it were again our own. 

" There is no one but Gen. Arnold who can surmount obstacles so great as these. 
A man of so much courage will never despair of the republic, even when every 
door to a reconciliation seems sealed. 

' Render then, brave General, this important service to your country. The colo- 
nies cannot sustain much longer the unequal strife. Your troops are perishing in 
misery. They are badly armed, half naked, and crying for bread. The efforts of 
Congress are futile against the languor of the people. Your fields are untilled, 
trade languishes, learning dies. The neglected education of a whole generation is 
an irreparable loss to society. Your youth, torn by thoui-ands from their rustic 
pursuits or useful employments, are mown down by war. Such as survive have lo&t 
the vigor of their prime, or are maimed in battle; the greater part bring back to 
their families the idleness and the corrupt manners of the camp. Let us put an 
end to so many calamities ; you and ourselves have the same origin, the same lan- 
guage, the same laws. We are inaccessible in our island ; and you, the masters of 
a vast and fertile territory, have no other neighbors than the people of our loyal colo- 
nies. We possess rich establishments in every quarter of the globe, and reign over 
the fairest portions of Hindostan. The ocean is our home, and we pass across it as 
a monarch traversing his dominions. From the northern to the southern pole, 
irom the east to the west, our vessels find everywhere a neighboring harbor belong- 
ing to Great Britain. So many islands, so many countries acknowledging our 
sway, are all ruled by a uniform system that bears on every feature the stamp ot 
liberty, yet is as well adapted to the genius of diflerent nations and of various 
climes. 

" While the Continental powers ruin themselves by war, and are exhausted in 
erecting the ramparts that separate them from each other, our bulwarks are our 
ships. They enrich us ; they protect us ; they provide us as readily with the means 
of invading our enemies as of succoring our friends. 

" Beware, then, of breaking forever the links and ties of a friendship whose bene- 
fits are proven by the experience of a hundred and fifty years. Time gives to hu- 
man institutions a strength which what is new can only attain, in its turn, by the 
lapse of ages. Royalty itself experiences the need of this useful prestige, and the 
race that has reigned over us for sixty yearo has been illustrious for ten centuriej. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 277 

that lie told him that Kobinson anxiously sought an inter- 
view to explain propositions which, if acceded to, would 
terminate the war.' 

It is not improbable that an interview between Arnold 
and Kobinson had been had, at Smith's or elsewhere, before 
Itobinson came up in the Yulture. The tradition before 
mentioned is that at at such meeting Kobinson pressed and 
urged upon Arnold the considerations contained in the 
West Point letter. If this interview really took place — 
and it is proba])le — aided by the letter, the disclosures of 
Smith, and Arnold's address to his countrymen, giving the 
reasons for his desertion, we can readily imagine the topics 
discussed between them. Arnold, recalling the former 
friendly relations between Washington and Kobinson, may 
have said : 

"Col. liobinson, how can you urge me to abandon your 
old schoolmate, Washington; surely you have not for- 
gotten your old friend and the friend of your father?" 

"United in equality we will rule the universe we will hold it hound, not hy 
arms and violence, but by the ties of commerce— the lightest and most gentle bonds 
that human kind can wear." — SargenVs Life of Andre, pp. 447, 8-9, 

Joi^hua H. Smith, in his narrative, corroborates to some extent the statement of 
Marbois. He speaks of Arnold's often dining at his house, and at dinner express- 
ing sentiments similar to those contained in the letter attributed to Robinson. (See 
narrative of Smith London edition, pp 21,22,31.) Among other things he says: 
" Gen. Arnold then said he had received another flag of truce, and that Col. Bev- 
erly Eobinson had anxiously solicited an interview to be more explanatory of the 
propositions that were to produce, if acceded to by Congress, a general peace, and 
happily terminate the expense of blood and treasure, that were ruinous to both 
countries in the prosecution of a war without an object. He (Arnold) said he con- 
ceived the overtures * * made by Great Britain Avere founded in all sincerity 
and good faith, and they fully met the ultimatum which the generality of Americans 
desired, but by what he could learn from Col. Eobinson, the present terms held out went 
much farther titan the propositions of 1788, and he made no doubt they wndd be the basis 
rf an honorable peace. This event he said he most cordially wished, being heartily 
tired of the war." " And he then complained of his personal wrongs." (See this Ou - 
lious narrative.) I am aware, of course, that anything said by Joshua Hett Smith 
must be taken with great caution and needs corroboration. But I think it not im- 
probable that Robinson, either by letters or personal interview, and perhaps both, 
held cut these inducements to Arnold. 

1. Smith's narrative of the death of Andre (London Ed.), pp. 21 to 37. 



278 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

" JS"©," replied Eobinson ; '' I Lave not forgotten my old 
sclioolmate; I love and honor AYashington, and I regret 
he is not now, as he was in early life, fighting for the Crown." 

"But," continued he, "General Arnold, why do you still 
hesitate ? You admit that the attainment of absolute inde- 
pendence by the colonies is very doubtful, and even if suc- 
cessful they will become the wards of France, in place of 
being the sons of England. Wliy hesitate when we now 
offer all that the colonies can justly demand ? You admit 
that even Washington almost despairs of success. To-day 
Great Britain is ready to grant everything except inde- 
pendence. Is it wise to delay nntil she may impose upon 
our country the terms of a conqueror ?" 

" Eobinson," was the reply, " I know the terrible sufier- 
ings of my country, and I deeply feel my own wrongs, but 
you know my name is to-day honored by soldiers in both 
armies, and is not unknown among the people. You urge 
me to betray a sacred trust — to be treacherous to va^f com- 
rades, to abandon the cause for which I have often bled, to 
break faith with my comrades and my noble chief ; in a 
word, to become a traitor.^'' 

" If I yield to your views, and Britain finally fails, I 
shall be doomed to everlasting infamy, and m}^ own cMl- 
dren will hate me for leaving them a name besmirched with 
foul dishonor ! " 

"But," said Robinson, " with your aid we shall not, can- 
not fail. Look at your feeble, exhausted colonies, and then 
at the vast power of Great Britain. "With j^our aid, I 
repeat, failure is impossible, and remember how generously 
Britain rewards those who render her great and signal ser- 
vice. You have been in England ; were you ever at Blen- 
heim Palace ? Did you see there towering high above 
the old oaks of the park, the majestic column which 
England reared to the memory of John Churchill, Duke of 



HIS PATRI0TIS3I AND HIS TREASOX. 279 

Marlborougli ? Contrast the lienors and the treasure wliich 
she lavished upon that heroic traitor, with the ingratitude, 
the injustice, the meanness, with which Congress has 
treated jou and others of your fellow-soldiers." 

" Churchill was, if you please to call him so, doubly a 
traitor. He betrayed his benefactor James, deserted him, 
and went over to the Prince of Orange ; and then, pre- 
tending the deepest remorse, broke faith with William ; 
acted as a spy in his court and camp, and offered to cor- 
rupt the troops and lead them over to James ; and yet all 
this was forgotten in the real service he rendered his coun- 
try, and his nam.e has gone into history among the proud- 
est on her records. Here you have a precedent and an 
example ; trample your scruples under foot. In great 
national affairs the end mnst sometimes justify the means. 
Do this great deed ; end the war, and history will write 
your justification, and England will reward you as gener- 
ously in titles and in honors, and in wealth, as she did 
Churchill." ' 

Such were the appeals to which Arnold finally yielded. 

IVhether the letter which Marbois alleges vras found in 
Arnold's quarters after his flight, and wiiich has been 
attributed to Beverly Kobinson, is genuine, is a question 

1. If these appeals seem extravagant, let the reader remember that Arnold was 
vain, and intensely ambitious. Let him recollect for what purpose they were used, 
and that they were successful. Lord Macaulay, speaking of Churchill's deser 
lion of James, says : " He was bound to James not only by the common obligation 
of allegiance, but by military honor, by personal gratitude." * 

" There was no guilt, no disgrace he was not ready to incur." 

See Macaulay's History of England. Vol. Ill, p. 82, Again : Churchill, when 
holding King James' commission, writing treacherously to the Prince of Orange, 
says: '• He puts his honor absolutely into his hands." Macaulay says: "William 
read those words with one of his bitter and cynical sneers," " It was not his busi- 
ness to talie care of the honor of other men, nor had the most rigid casuist pro- 
nounced it unlawful in a General to invite, use and reward the services of deserters, 
whom he could not but despise. History of England, Vol. Ill, p. 250. 

And when Marlboroiigh subsequently deserted and betrayed William, Macaulay 
calls him "the Arch Traitor." Vol. VI, p. 173. Those who Avish to compare or 
contrast this great English with the American traitor, may consult Macaulay. 



280 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

wliicli perhaps cannot be determined with absolute cer- 
tainty. That inducements and arguments similar to those 
in the letter, and which Kobinson pressed upon Arnold in 
their supposed interview, were addressed to him by British 
agents, there can be no reasonable doubt. The British 
authorities were advised by the loyalists of Philadelphia 
that Arnold was dissatisfied, and that lie felt deeply 
wronged. To secure his defection, and through him bring 
about peace, was deemed a "matter of the highest impor- 
tance. Such temptations were presented to him personally, 
and such considerations in regard to his country as it was 
supposed would be most likely to influence him. If the 
letter is not genuine, it was ingeniously and ably written, 
and presents just the considerations to which Arnold would 
be most likely to yield, and to which he himself declares in 
his address to his countrymen, and to his old comrades, he 
did yield.* 

Now, let us suppose Andre had not been taken prisoner, 
and that the plot had succeeded: that AVest Point had been 
captured without bloodshed, and then, Arnold clothed by 
Great Britain with full credentials, had offered to the Uni- 
ted States everytiiing but independence, and that through 
his instrumentality the war had been closed, and liberty 
secured, an American parliament to make the laws for the 
confederated colonies, with a nominal recognition of the 
British crown — what would have been the judgment of the 
world upon his conduct ? Thousands who have cried, and 
justly, "crucify him! crucify him!" would have said with 
equal zeal, " crown him with honor." Such is the influence 

1. Dining at the table of Smith, a short time before Andre's visit, Arnold said : " By 
what he could learn fr m Colonel Robinson, the present terms held out -went 
much further than the propositions of 1780, and he made no doubt they would be 
the basis of an honorable re ice. This event he most cordially wished."— 
Smith.' s Aarrative, p. 21. See General Arnold's Address to His Countrymen. 



HIS TATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 281 

of success or failure/ But success would not liave cliano-ed 
the character of his acts. Is it incredible that a desperate 
man, trodden upon bj' his enemies, 

"Within whose heated bosom throngs 
The memory of a thousand wrongs," 

as he regarded them, may perhaps, for some brief moments, 
carried away by tlie violence of his passions, have deceived 
liimself, or permitted himself to be deceived by these soph- 
istries, and for one moment excused himself to himself for 
his crime? 

If he did, it was a fatal error, and terribly and justly did 
he suffer for it. Repentance, however, after the lirst overt 
act was too late; the fault was fatal, irrevocable, without 
remed}^, and for which nothing could condone. For con- 
ceding all, admitting that his passions so misled his judg- 
ment as to make him believe that he could by betraying 
his post really benefit his country, this is no excuse for his 
treachery; if honestly satisfied that the war should be no 
further prosecuted, he should have resigned and left his 
comrades — not sought to betray them. 

In March, 1780, while not yet fully committed to the Eng- 
lish emissaries, and it may be, hesitating on the brink of the 
precipice of his crime, his restless spirit devised an enterprise 
against the enemy upon the sea, which in its execution would 
require several ships of war, and three or four hundred 
troops, of which expedition he ofi^ered to take command ; 
his wound still rendering him unfit for active duty in the 
field. "Washington favored the project, but the exigencies 
of the service rendered it impossible to spare the troops, and it 
was finally abandoned. At another time he seems to have 

1, "Treason doth never prosper. What's the reason? 
Why, if it prosper, none dare call it treason." 
It is conceivable that if Washington had failed, the English would have called 
him the traitor. 



282 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

entertained tlie idea of resigning liis post in tlie army and 
retiring into the forests, and putting himself like tlie 
Johnsons, on the Mohawk, at the head of an Indian tribe. 

His conduct and plans, after his disgrace in the spring 
and summer of 1 780, are involved in an obscurity which 
will probably never he dispelled; yet it is evident that he 
had no fixed purpose, and was undetermined what to do; 
now he was brooding over the past, and then pondering the 
future, and sometimes almost in despair; various and wild 
schemes were presented, considered and rejected. He had 
listened to the tempter, and to hesitate and deliberate over 
a crime so desperate, was to fall. Like a rudderless ship in 
the violence of a wild ocean temj)est, uncontrolled by prin 
ciple, he was drifting hither and thither, wherever the 
storm of passion might carry him. 

At about this time, while pecuniarily embarrassed, and 
tossing on the surges of passion, it is alledged by Marbois, 
he sought with corrupt motives, a loan from the envoy of 
France, the Chevalier de LaLuzerne. ^ 

The account of the interview between Arnold and 
Luzerne, given by Marbois, is evidently embellished, and 
no one can draw the line betw^een fact and fancy. Marbois 
wrote history with poetic license, taking the liberty of put- 
ting such speeches into the mouths of the persons he intro- 
duced as he imao^ined thev mio-ht have made, and such as 
would make his narrative lively and picturesque.'^ The 
speeches between Arnold and Luzerne, as given by him, are 
to be taken, therefore, not as literal truth, but simply 4is 
what he imagined might have passed. He does not claim 
to have been present, or even to give the language as 

1. The conspiracy of Arnold and Sir Henry Clinton by Marbois.— J.7nmca?i 
Register, Vol II, p. 26. 

2. Sargent, in his Life of Andre, cautions the reader against Marbois, even 
comparing him with Joshua Hett Smith, saying, " Smith, like Mai hois, vnxx^i always 
be received distrustfully."— p, oo7. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 28 



o 



reported by Luzerne. He says that the chevalier " had been 
charmed with the talents and bravery of Arnold, and took 
pleasure in testifying a particular predilection for him. He 
thought that if it were wished to reclaim this man, it 
would be indispensable to recollect only the glorious circum- 
stances of his life." " He continued the same deportment 
towards him as before his disgrace, and this generosity won 
the respect and confidence of the general." ^ Having thus 
won Arnold's confidence, the latter in his distress opened his 
heart to Luzerne, detailed his misfortunes and embarras- 
ments and sought a loan from the French Envoy. Luzerne 
declined the loan, but gave him some very good advice 
instead, but this not being what Arnold sought, he received 
with a very ill grace. Washington Irving expressed the 
opinion that " the first idea of proving recreant to the 
cause he had so bravely vindicated, appears to have en- 
tered his mind when the charges preferred against him by 
the Council of Pennsylvania were referred by Congress 
to a court-martial." "^ 

It will be remembered that his accounts for back pay, and 
disbursements in Canada, and elsewhere, were still unset- 
tled. Mr. Sparks, sj)eaking on this subject, says: "Wheth- 
er entire justice was rendered him amidst so many obsta- 
cles to a perfect know^ledge of the merits of the case, it 
would be difficult to determine." ^ Mr. Sparks also says 
that up to the time of his disgrace, " his intercourse with 
the enemy, though of several months' continuance, had been 
without a definite aim — clothed in such a shape that it 
might be consummated or dropped, according to the com- 
plexion of future events." * 

At length, won by the specious arguments and allure- 

1. Marbois. American Register, p. 27. 

2. Life of Washington. Vol. IV, p. 111. 

o. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. Vr, p. 530. 
4. Life of Arnold, p. 151. 



284 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

ments of liis tempters, and urged to desperation by despair, 
he seems now to have adopted the fatal resolution of be- 
traying his country, and of making his desertion as useful 
and eliective to the enemy as possible. On the 28th of 
March, 1780, "Washington gave him leave of absence from 
the army to regain his health, but expressed the hope that 
he might soon be in a condition for *' active service," and 
for himself and Lady "Washington, congratulates him on the 
birth of his son, Edward Shippen, born March 19th, at 
Pliiiadelphia. 

It is not my purpose to go minutely into the details of 
the treasonable correspondence and conspiracy of Arnold 
and Sir Henry Clinton. The life of Arnold, by Sparks, 
goes over this ground very fully, and little could be said in 
addition to the narrative there given. The correspondence 
began under assumed names, the letters of Arnold being 
signed " Gustavus^^^ and those of Major Andre, who carried 
on the correspondence on the part of the British, were 
signed '•^ Anderson J^ Through the influence of liis friends, 
General Schuyler and Kobert R. Livingston,* Arnold 
sought and obtained the command of West Point, regarded 
as the most important military position in the colonies ; 
and here were stored, as in the safest place on the conti- 
nent, a large quantity of supplies and material of war. 
On the last day of July, 1780, Arnold, who had been on a 
visit to Connecticut, now on his way back to Philadelphia, 
reached the camp of Washington while the army was 
crossing the Hudson at King's Ferry. He met Wash- 
ington, on horseback, riding to see the last division cross 
the river, and asked if any place had been assigned to him ? 
Washington replied, " Yes, you are to command the left 

1. Livingston to Washington, June 22, 1780, speaking of Arnold, says : " His courage 
is undoubted. He is the favorite of the Militia, and Avho will agree perfectly with 
our Governor."— ^paris' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 95. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 285 

wing, the post of honor." At these words his countenance 
changed, but he made no replj.^ Washington invited him to 
go to headquarters, where in a short time the Commander- 
in-Chief arrived, and learned with some surprise that Ar- 
nold still complained of his wound, and of his inability in 
consequence, of doing " proper service " in the field, and 
that he still desired the command of "\Yest Point. "Wash- 
ington had hoped to have had his services in the fi^eld in 
the stirring campaign now at hand, and had given him 
command of the left wing because of its importance, and 
because he wished it led by an able and efficient officer, as 
there was a prospect of fighting, and for such work no one 
could fill the place better, for as a fighting General, "Ar- 
nold stood pre-eminent for courage, skill, and good con- 
duct." ' 

When, therefore, Arnold changed countenance, as Wash- 
ington, notwithstanding Arnold's public disgrace, an- 
nounced to him his selection to command the left wing, 
thus carrying out the generous words in the so-called repri- 
mand, in which Washington had exhorted him to "exhibit 
anew those noble qualities which had placed him in the list 
of our most valued commanders," and said, " I will fur- 
nish you with opportunities of regaining the esteem of your 
countrymen," — was not Arnold's change of countenance be- 
cause he now saw his fatal error — saw it, alas, when too 
late ? It must ever add a still darker shade to his treason, 
that he could thus deceive his old and ever faithful friend. 

Seeing that Arnold really wished the command at West 
Point, Washington on the third of August gave him his in- 
structions, and he immediately rej^aired to that post, and 
fixed his quarters at Beverly, formerly the beautiful coun- 
try seat of Col. Beverly Eobinson. This gentleman was in 

1. Hamilton's Letters to Laurens.— 5pa'fc8' Life of Arnold, p. 150. 

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 159. 



286 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

the full confidence of Sir Henry Clinton. His picturesque 
mansion stood a short distance below "West Point, on the 
eastern side of the Hudson, in a lonely part of the far-famed 
Highlands, high up from the river, and yet at the foot ot a 
mountain covered with woods/ 

From this seclusion Arnold carried on his secret correspon- 
dence with Andre. Here, somewhat secluded from the offi- 
cers of the post, he lived, and was often seen walking alone 
on the banks of the Hudson, his face stern and sorrowful, 
brooding over his fancied wrongs. 

Here, in September, came Mrs. Arnold, bringing with 
her their infant son, Edward Shippen; and to her while 
here, was addressed the touching letter of Miss Hannah 
Arnold, set forth on a preceding page. Here, on the 14th 
of September, he wrote a long letter to General Washing- 
ton, replying to questions which the Commander-in-Chief 
had propounded to the council of general officers, as to the 
conduct of the campaign. Here, on the 12th of Septem- 
ber, he addressed a letter to General Greene, "with senti- 
ments of the most sincere regard and affection," criticising 
his early friend and later enemy. General Gates, who had 
latel}^ been terribly defeated in South Carolina, and among 
other things, saying: " It is a most unfortunate piece of 
business for that hero^ and may possibly blot his escutcheon 
with indelible infamy." '"* 

It was his own "escutcheon" that he was now blottinc: 
with "indelible infamy." 

In a letter to Washington, September 5th, he says: "I 
had the pleasure of General Schuyler's company last night." 

It was thus, while in daily intercourse and correspond- 
ence with his fellow soldiers, in the full enjoyment of their 
friendship and sympathy, and in the unshaken confidence 

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 112. 

2. Manuscript letter in the State Department at Washington. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON". 287 

of his chief, his home hallowed by the devoted affection of 
his young and beantifnl wife, and brightened by the play- 
fulness of his child, the idol of his sister, the pride of his 
elder boys at school, he vras conspiring with the enemy to 
betray the cause for which he and his comrades had so 
often fouocht. 

I have heard from a descendant of Arnold the existence 
of a tradition that he often said, and repeated over and over 
again, to his dying day. " I believed our cause was hopeless; 
1 thought we never could succeed, and I did it to save 
the shedding ot blood." If this language expressed his 
real sentiments and opinions, how infinitely more noble 
w^ould it have been to stand or fall, live or die with his 
comrades. How inexcusable to betray them! 

The importance of West Point with its military stores, 
was fully realized by Sir Henry Clinton. Its possession 
would secure the Hudson, cut off 'New England, facilitate 
intercourse with Canada by the lakes, and, in fact, accomp- 
lish nearly all which Burgoyne and St. Leger's ex2)editions, 
with their ten thousand men, had sought to effect. 

The conspiracy had been carried forward by correspon- 
dence under fictitious names, by Arnold and Andre, and its 
consummation now required a personal meeting; and at 
Arnold's request, Andre, then holding the position of Ad- 
jutant-General in the British Army, was detailed to meet 
the American general and settle all details. On the 20th 
of September Andre went on board the British sloop of 
war, Yulture, with Colonel Beverly Eobinson,' and pro- 
ceeded up the Hudson, with a view of holding an inter- 
view w^ith Arnold. On the night of the 21st, a boat was 
sent by Arnold to the Yulture, which brought Andre to 
the shore about six miles below Stoney Point; and there 

1. I think the circumstantial evidence is very strong, that Robinson had been 
one of the agents to seduce Arnold. 



288 IJFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

under the sLadow of the moiin tains, after midnight, the 
conspirators met. As the dawn of day drew near, the con- 
ference not being concluded, Andre was induced to accom- 
pany Arnold to the house of Joshua Hett Smith, about two 
miles below Stoney Point. Soon after they reached the house 
tlie booming of cannon was heard, and directly tliey saw the 
Yulture weigh anclior and proceed down the river. Colo- 
nel Livingston, of the American army, thought she was too 
near the American outposts, and brought cannon to bear, 
and compelled her to descend the river. Arnold and An- 
dre breakfasted together at Smith's, and then completed 
the arrangements for the surrender of West Point. Plans 
of the works, their armament, the number of troops, etc., 
were furnished by Arnold to Andre, and concealed by the 
latter in his boots, between his stockings and his feet. Ar- 
nold then, in case Andre should not be able to reach the 
Vulture by water, furnished him with a horse, and a pass 
in these words: 

" Permit Mr. John Anderson to pass the guards to the White Plains, 
or below if he chooses, he being on public business by my direction. 

"B.Arnold, M. General.'" 

Also a pass for Smith by water, and another by land. 

After breakfast, before Arnold and Andre separated, 
they walked out towards the river, and pausing on the 
banks of the Hndson, Arnold said : 

" Andre, you. have strangely won my confidence . I 
cannot part without opening my heart to you. I have 
cherished the hope of associating my name with that of 
Washington in acliieving the independence of my country. 
Look out upon this magnificent river," extending his arm 
towards the Hudson ; "is it not fit to bear the commerce 
of an empire to the ocean?" Musing a moment, he added : 

" I thought it time this vast continent was independent 
and free; how long, I used to ask myself, must the territory 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TPvEASON. 289 

drained by this great outlet be subordinate to your petty ■!< 

Thames; our continent to your little island?" " Do you ^ 

appreciate," he continued, " all I hazard by the scheme we 
have agreed upon ? " " My name is now associated in his- 
tory forever with the Hudson and the Mohawk Yalley; 
few^ will recall Saratoga without thinking of the bloody 
charge I made." "7 certainly shall not forget it," said he, 
smiling bitterly, " so long as I drag about this crippled leg." 

'" But," broke in Andre, interrupting him, "what cares Con- 
gress for your services, your wounds, and your losses ? 
Your enemies in Congress do not thank you. I have even 
been told that in your last fight with Burgoyne, when you 
so crippled him as to compel his surrender, you fought as a 
volunteer, and without a command; and that while yotc ■ 
were leading the troops Gates was in his tent, not even go- 
ing upon the held at all; yet he received Burgoyne's swords 
a medal from Congress, all the honors of the victory, and 
he, forsooth, is the hero of Saratoga, while you w^ere tried 
by court-martial and disgraced." 

"Yes," replied Arnold, "all this and more, is true; and ,/ 
this, in part, has driven me to my present conduct. Inde- 
pendence must be postponed. Half a century hence it will, 
come, and without war." 

"Yes, General Arnold," said Andre, "w^e will restore 
peace and reconciliation; and for you there shall be 
honor, appreciation, and an English peerage, in place of in- 
gratitude, neglect, disgrace, and a public * reprimand.' " 

" And for my country," said Arnold, " peace and reconcili- 
ation will, I hope, be better than blood and suffering, and a 
French vassalage; but, Andre, this treachery to Washing- 
ton, my best and most faithful friend— this is what I hate. 
Ah, Andre, you do not know him; there is a simple dignity 
about him, a sense of justice, a patience, a sympathy, a gen- 
erosity which makes me both love and reverence him, and 
19 



L^ 



290 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEIs'OLD. 

besides, I am bound to Lim b}^ gratitude for a thousand acts, 
of kindness, and I soraetimes feel tbat I would rather die 
than deceive him. If I could buy this peace with ihj own 
blood, if bj giving the other leg I could obtain .a triumph 
over my enemies and peace for my country; nay, were it 
not for my wife (you know her Andre, and what I have- to 
live for), were it not for her and the boys, my life might 
freely go; yes, as freely as I periled it at Quebec, at Yal- 
cour Island, at Eidgeiield, at Bemis Heights. ^ ^ ^ ^ 
" They have driven me to this," exclaimed he, bitterly, " they 
have made me the villain, all the w^orld will call me, if we 
fail!" 

'' But we must not, will not fail! Go, Andre, hasten back 
to Sir Henry Clinton, bring uj) your troops, and West 
Point is yours!" ^ 

Thus ended the interview, and Arnold returned to his 
quarters. 

Andre passed the day at Smith's house, expecting to be 
2>ut on board the Vulture at night. As evening approached, 
Smith refused to put him on board, fearing for his own 
safety; but proposed to cross the river with him, and put 
him in the way of returning to Xew York by land. Andre 
was disappointed, but was finally induced to put Smith's 
overcoat on over his uniform, and about sunset they started, 
crossing at King's Ferry. After proceeding about eight 
miles they were stopped by an American patrol. Arnold's 
pass satisfied the ofiicer in command, but he warned them 
against proceeding further at night. They stopped and 
passed the night. 

The next morning at day-break they started again, and 
now approached what was called the " neutral ground," a 

1. I need scarcely say I have no authority for the above dialogue, but every 
reader may judge for himself what degree of probability there is that it occurred. 
I mention this because for every fact, stated without qualification, I have given the 
authority, or have had authority which I believed sufficient. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 291 

part of the tlie country some thirty miles in extent, and 
lying between the lines of the two armies; after going two 
or three miles further tow^ards 'New York, Andre and Smitli 
breakfasted at a farm house and then parted; Smith return- 
ing home and Andre going on towards New York, cheerful, 
and with the conviction that the dangerous part of his 
journey was over. 

. As he was proceeding, he was arrested in a wooded glen 
by three men, the foremost of which wore a uniform indi- 
cating that ]ie belonged to the British army. Andre, 
losing all caution, imprudently exclaimed, " Gentlemen I 
hope you belong to our party." ^ " What party? " was the 
reply. " The lower party," said Andre. " We do," replied 
the leader. 

Andre, thrown entirely oif his guard, immediately de- 
clared himself to be a British officer; that he had been up 
the country on important business, and must not be 
detained ; drawing out his gold watch, as evidence of the truth 
of his statement, whereuj^on his captors avowed themselves 
Americans, and that Andre was their prisoner. They were 
yeomanry of the neighborhood, and their names were John 
Paulding, Isaac Yan Wort and David Williams. It seems 
that the coat of Paulding, which had misled Andre, was 
one received by him from the enemy who had lately held 
him a prisoner, and stripping him of his better farmer's 
clothes, had given him this coat in exchange. 

Andre, now too late, exhibited his pass, w^hich if exhibi- 
ted when he was first halted, would liave been sufficient; 
but now he having avowed himself a British officer, they 
seized the bridle of his horse, ordered him to dismount, 
searched him, and in his boots found the concealed papers, 
when Paulding exclaimed, " My God ! he is a spy." ^ 

Andre now^ offered his captors any sum of money, goods, 

1. living's Washington. 



k 



292 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

anything, if they would let him go. These offers they 
refused, and conducted their prisoner to Lieut. Colonel Jame- 
son, who commanded the post at JSTew Castle. He imme- 
diately sent the papers found in Andre's boots, by express 
to General Washington, who was returning from a visit to 
the French at Hartford. Andre begged Colonel Jameson 
to inform his commander at West Point, that John Ander- 
son^ though bearing his pass, was detained as a prisoner. 
Jameson wrote a statement of the facts to General Arnold, 
and thoughtlessly sent it forward with the prisoner. 
Major Tallmadge, soon after,coming in, and learning the 
facts, and suspecting something was w^rong, induced Jame- 
son to send an express after the oJBBcer who had Andre in 
charge, with orders to bring him back to Xew Castle, but 
the letter to Arnold was permitted to go forward to its des- 
tination. 

Andre was then conducted to Colonel Sheldon, and there 
being informed that the papers found on his person had 
been forwarded to Washington, he wrote to him a letter, 
frankly declaring his real character, and stating the circum- 
stances of his expedition and capture, as follows : 

" Major Andre to General Washington. ) 
"Salem, 24 September, 1780. ) 

" Sir: — What I have as yet said concerning m3'self was in the justifiable 
attempt to be extricated ; I am too little accustomed to duplicity to have 
succeeded. 

" I beg your Excellency will be persuaded that no alteration in the 
temper of my mind, or apprehension for my safety, induces me to take 
the step of addressing you, but that it is to rescue myself from an impu- 
tation of having- assumed a mean character for treacherous purposes or 
self-interest; a conduct incompatible with the principles that actuate me, 
as well as with my condition in life. 

" It is to vindicate my fame that I speak, and not to solicit security. 

" The person in your possession is Major John Andre, adjutant-general 
to the British array. 

" The influence of one commander in the army of his adversary is an 
advantage taken in war. A correspondence for this purpose I held as 



HIS PATEIOTISM AN^D HIS TEEASOX. 293 

confidential (in the present instance) with his Excellency, Sir Hemy 
Clinton. 

"To favor it, I agreed to meet upon ground not within the posts of 
either party, a person who was to give me intelligence; I came up in 
the Vulture man-of-war for this effect, and was fetched by a boat from 
the ship to the beach. Being there, I was told that the approach of day 
would prevent my return, and that I must be concealed until the next 
night. I was in my regimentals, and had fairly risked my person. 

'* Against my stipulation, my intention, and without my knowledge 
beforehand, I was conducted within one of your posts. Your Excellency 
may conceive my sensation on this occasion, and will imagine how much 
more must I have been affected by a refusal to re-conduct me back the next 
night as I had been brought. Thus become a prisoner, I had to concert 
my escape. I quitted my uniform, and was passed another way in the 
night, without the American posts to neutral ground, and informed I was 
beyond all armed parties, and left to press for New York. I was taken at 
Tarrytown by some volunteers. 

"Thus, as I have had the honor to relate, was I betrayed (being ad- 
jutant-general of the British army) into the vile condition of an enemy 
in disguise within your posts. 

"Having avowed myself a British officer, I have nothing to reveal 
but what relates to myself, which is true on the honor of an officer and a 
gentleman. 

" The request I have to ma.ke to your Excellency, and I am conscious 
I address myself well, is, that in any rigor policy may dictate, a decency 
of conduct towards me may mark, that though unfortunate I am branded 
with nothing dishonorable, as no motive could be mine but the service 
of my King, and as I was involuntarily an impostor. 

"Another request is, that I may be permitted to write an open letter to 
Sir Henry Clinton, and another to a friend for clothes and linen. 

" I take the liberty to mention the condition of some gentlemen at 
Charleston, who, being either on parole or under protection, were engaged 
in a conspiracy against us. Though their situation is not similar, they 
are objects who may be set in exchange for me, or are persons whom the 
treatment I receive might affect. 

"It is no less, sir, in a confidence of the generosity of your mind, 
than on account of your superior station, that I have chosen to importune 
you with this letter. I have the honor to be, with great respect. Sir, 
your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, 

"John Andre, Adjutant-General."* 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 531. 



CHAPTEE XVI. 

ARNOLD'S ESCAPE— ANDRE'S EXECUTION. 

"Is there not some chosen curse, 
Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven, 
Red with uncommon wrath to blast the man, 
Who seeks his greatiaess by his country's ruin ? " 

Arnold Hears op Andre's Capture— Flies to the Vulture— Washington 
Arrives at West Point— Mrs. Arnold's Distress— Arnold's Letter to Wash- 
ington Declaring Her Innocence, and Begging Washington to Protect 
Her— Declares His Military Family Innocent— Hannah Arnold's Letter 
Begging the Pity of all Her Friends, and Praying Them not to Forsake 
Her— Andre's Trial as a Spy— Efforts to Save His Life— His Execution- 
Arnold's Alleged Offer to Give Himself Up, to Save the Life of Andre. 

On the day of tlie treasonable conference between Arnold 
and Andre, on the banks of the Hudson, "Washington met 
the French officers at Hartford. With him, besides his own 
military family, were LaFayette and his suite, and General 
Knox and his staff. On the morning of the 25th Septem- 
ber, having sent on their baggage, and a message to Gen- 
eral Arnold that the party would breakfast with him on 
that day, "Washington's party were very early in the saddle, 
riding towards Arnold's headquarters at the Robinson 
House. As they approached that place, Washington turned 
off from the direct route, to visit the defenses on the east 
side of the Hudson. Lafayette, with the politeness of his 
nation and the gallantry of a young soldier, suggested to 
the general that Mrs. Arnold would be waiting breakfast 

(294) 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 295 

for them. "AL, Marquis," replied Washington, «-jou 
young men are all in love with Mrs. Arnold. I see you 
are eager to be with her as soon as possible. Go and break- 
fast with her, and tell her not to wait for me. I must ride 
do^vn and examine the redoubts on this side the river, but 
will be w^ith you shortly." Lafayette and Knox, however 
accompanied Washington, but Col. Hamilton and others of 
the stalFwent directly to Arnold's headquarters,' bearino- 
Washino^ton's messas^e to Mrs. Arnold. 

O CD 

In accordance with his request, they all sat down to 
breakfast. Mrs. Arnold with her child had arrived from 
Philadelphia a few days previous. She, it is said, received 
her guests cordially, and was as usual, bright, happj-, gay 
and fascinating. Arnold was grave and thoughtful. Well 
he might be. 

Washington had arrived two days* sooner than he had 
been expected, and this was the eventful day on which the 
treason was to be consummated. He had arranged with 
Andre that the garrison should be scattered through the 
passes and defiles of the highlands, and the enemy's ships, 
with the British troops on board, were on this very day to 
ascend the river and take possession of the post; and now 
came Washington unexpectedly to disconcert everything. 

In the midst of the breakfast a horseman galloped to the 
door. It was Lieutenant Allen, with Jameson's letter to 
Arnold, containing the startling statement that Andre is 
a prisoner, and the papers found in his boots have been 
forwarded to Washington. It was a terrible crisis in the 
life of Arnold. " Yet," says Irving, " in this awful mo- 
ment he gave evidence of that quickness of mind which 
had won laurels for him when in the path of duty."* 

With a self-control that was amazing, he excused liim- 
self to liis guests, retired, ordered a horse, and then going 

1. living's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 138. 



296 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

to Mrs. Arnold's room, sent for her, and disclosed his per- 
ilous position, saying: "I must fly instantly! My life 
depends on my reaching the British lines without detec- 
tion." 

Startled, bewildered, and completely overcome, she Ml 
senseless at his feet; ^ he laid her upon the bed, calling a 
servant to her assistance, and then returning again to the 
breakfast-room, he asked his guests to excuse him; he said 
he must hasten to West Point to prepare for the reception 
of the General; and then springing upon his horse, ready 
saddled at the door, he galloped down a steep, along what is 
still called "Arnold's path," towards the landing place, 
where his six-oared barge was moored. How terrible must 
have been his feelings as he dashed down the hill, leaving 
behind him his wife and child, country, friends, honor and 
faith! jS^ot now could he exclaim, as in other days: "I 
am in the discharge of duty, and know no fear!" Like 
guilty Macbeth, he could not respond: "Amen" to "God 
bless our patriot cause." 

"Never had shaken his nerves in fight." 
But as his horse's hoofs struck fire from the rocks in his 
headlong speed, the very echo seemed the voice of the 
avenger. Danger and death were behind him, and what 
was infinitely worse, dishonor was before him and around 
him. From death he might escape by flight, but from dis- 
honor — this man who so loved glory — from dishonor for him 
there was from henceforth forever no escape ! 

Seizing his pistols from his holsters, he sprang into the 
barge and directed the oarsmen to pull into the middle of 

1. " Dr. Eustis, who had charge of the hospital in the vicinity, was called to the 
assistance of Mrs. Arnold, whose situation was alarming. He found her at the 
head of the staircase, in great dishabille, her hair discheveled, knowing no one, 
and frantic, in the arms of her maid and Arnold's two aids, struggling to liberate 
herself from them. She was carried baclc to her chamber, and fell into convulsions, 
which lasted several hours.'— Thatcher's American Revolution, j)p- 471-2, 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON*. 297 

the river, and tlien row with speed for Teller's Point, saying 
he must hasten, as he wished to retnrn and meet General 
"Washington. As the boat passed Yerplank's Point, 
Arnold raised a white handkerchief and ordered the boat- 
men to row directly to the Yulture, which was in sight. 
All the way he sat in the prow, his pistols either in his 
hand or within his reach. He would not have been captured 
alive. The boat reached the scliooner, and the fugitive 
springing on deck, was safe from pursuit. 

After Arnold had had an interview with the commander 
of the Yulture, he came on deck, and is reported to 
liave said to the bargemen, who had taken him to the 
schooner : " My lads, I have quitted the relel army 
and joined the standard of his Brittanic Majesty. If you 
will join me I will make sergeants and corporals of you all, 
and for you, Larvey, (who was coxswain), I will do some- 
thing more." Larvey indignantly replied, "IsTo, sir, one 
coat is enough for me to wear at a time." * General Heath, 
in his memoirs, gives the following account of the incident : 

** When Arnold had got under the guns of the Vulture, he told Cor- 
poral Larvey. who was cockswain of the barge, that he was going on 
board the ship, not to return, and that if he, Larvey, would stay with 
him, he should have a commission in the British service. To this Lar- 
vey, who was a smart fellow, replied, that he would be d — d if he fought 
on both sides. The General replied that he would send him on shore. 
Arnold then told the barge crew that if any of them would stay with 
liim they should be treated well, but if they declined staying, they 
should be sent on shore. One or two stayed, the rest with the cockswain, 
were sent on shore in the ships' boat ; the barge was kept. Larvey, for 
his fidelity, was made a sargeant. He thought he merited more, and that 
he ought to have had as much as Arnold promised him. He continued 
uneasy until, at his repeated request, he was allowed to leave the army." ^ 

These are, probably, the facts in relation to the crew. 

1. Thatcher, p. 472. 

2. Heath's Memoirs, 1798, p. 255. 

This account is confirmed by Larvey himself, as given by Eustis, in Mass. Hist, 
eoc. Col., Vol. XIV, p. 52. 



298 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

An liour after Arnold's flight, Washington arrived at 
the Eobinson Ilonse, and being informed that Mrs. Arnold 
was in lier room ill, and that Arnold had gone to West 
Point to prepare to receive him, he hastily took his break- 
fast, and he and party, with the exception of Hamilton, 
started for the fortress, leaving word that he wonld return 
to dinner. 

As the party were crossing the Hudson, between the 

overhanging cliffs, Washington, looking up at the grand 

scenery around him, said : " Gentlemen, I am glad General 

Arnold has gone before us, for we shall now have a salute, 

and the roaring of the cannon will have a line effect among 

these mountains." 

"The casUed crag of Draclienfels 

Frowns o'er the wide and winding Rhine " 

with no more wild and picturesque beauty than the 

fortress of West Point rose above the waters of the majestic 

Hudson. 

But no salute oreeted the ears of Washins-ton, and as his 
boat approached the western shore, an officer was seen 
winding his way down the side of the rocky cliff. It was 
Colonel Lamb, who seemed very much surprised, and 
apologized for not receiving the Commander-in-Cliief with 
the honors due to his rank. " Is not General Arnold here V'^ 
inquired Washington. 

"jSTo, sir; he has not been here for two days past, nor 
have I heard from him in that time." 

AYashington remained during the morning, ascending to 
J^ort Putnam, and inspecting the fortifications. Meanwhile, 
the messenger from Jameson, with the papers found upon 
the person of Andre, having missed Washington on his way 
from Hartford, and hearing that the General had passed 
him by a different road, had returned and followed him to 
the Eobinson House, and on his way had taken and brought 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 299 

the letter from Andre to Washington, disclosing the con- 
spiracy. These letters and papers being presented to 
Colonel Hamilton, Washington's confidential aid, were 
opened and read by him. Hastening to find Washington, 
he met the General and party coming up from the 
river. Hamilton addressed a few words to him in a low 
tone, and they retired into the house. The papers told their 
own too sad story — the leader of the daring expedition 
through the wilderness, wounded at Quebec, the hero of 
Saratoga, he who, with the militia had driven Tryon from 
his native State, was a traitor, and had fled to the enemy ! 
Hamilton was ordered to mount and ride with speed to try 
to overtake and capture the fugitive. In vain; Arnold had 
had four or ^ve hours the start. 

Washington was calm ; calling to Lafayette and Knox, 
he told them the story, and said, sadly, " Whom can we 
trust now?" 

James Fenimore Cooper, in giving an account of this 
incident, derived, as is supposed, from Lafayette, says: 
" When Washington and Lafayette met, the former put 
the report of Jameson into the hands of the latter, and said 
with tears in liis eyes, ' Arnold is a traitor, and has fled to 
the British.' General Knox was present at this scene." ' 

Hamilton returned and reported Arnold's escape, and 
brought with him the following letter from the fugitive, 
which had been sent ashore by a flag from the Yulture : 

"On Board the Vulture, 25 September, 1780. 

"Sir,— The heart which is conscious of its own rectitude, cannot 
attempt to palliate a step which the world may censure as wrong, 
I have ever acted from a principle of love to my country since the com- 
mencement of the present unhappy contest between Great Britain and 
the Colonies. The same principle of love to my country actuates my pres- 
ent conduct, however it may appear inconsistent to the world, who very 
seldom judge right of any man's actions. 

1. Cooper's Notions of the Americans, picked up by a Traveling Bachelor, p. 214. 



300 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

*' I have no favor to ask for myself. I have too often experienced the 
ingratitude of my country to attempt it ; but, from the known humanity 
of your Excellency, I am induced to ask your protection for Mrs. Arnold 
from every insult and injury that a mistaken vengeance of my country 
may expose her to. It ought to fall only on me ; she is as good and 
as innocent as an angel, and is incapable of doing wrong. I beg she 
may be permitted to return to her friends in Philadelphia, or to come 
to me, as she may choose. From your Excellencj'' I have no fears on her 
account, but she may suffer from the mistaken fury of the country, 

" I have to request that the enclosed letter may be delivered to Mrs. 
Arnold, and she be permitted to write to me. 

" I have also to ask that my clothes and baggage, which are of little 
consequence, may be sent to me ; if required, their value shall be paid 
in money. 

"I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, your Excel- 
lency's most obedient, humble servant. B. Arnold. 

" N. B. — In justice to the gentlemen of my family, Colonel Varick and 
Major Franks, I think myself in honor bound to declare that they, as 
well as Joshua Smith, Esq. (who I know is suspected), are totally 
ignorant of any transactions of mine, that they had reason to believe 
were injurious to the public. B. A." 

The paragraph in Arnold's letter in relation to his wife, 
declaring that " she is as good and as innocent as an angel, 
and as incapable of doing wrong," shows his devotion to 
her in this hour of supreme peril and desolation, and his 
efforts to prevent unjust suspicion falling upon his military 
family, Colonel Yarick and Major Franks, are honorable to 
him. Let us not overlook any bright spot in the character 
now blackened with treacherj^ In the meantime, Wasli- 
ington took every precaution against an attack by the 
enemy, and it is worthy of remark that no one of Arnold's 
military family, nor any among his personal friends, was to 
any extent implicated in his treachery. Washington did 
not betray any unusual excitement or anxiety. When 
dinner was announced, he said: "Come gentlemen; since 
Mrs. Arnold is ill, and the General is absent, let us sit 
down without ceremony." 

Mrs. Arnold remained in her room, crushed with sorrow 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 301 

and anxiety, and in a state bordering on plirensy. Arnold 
did not overestimate the generosity and chivalry of Wash- 
ington when he begged his protection for her. "Washington 
regarded her with the deepest sympathy and commisera- 
tion, believing her ignorant of all previous knowledge of 
her husband's guilt. When he delivered to her the letter 
which her husband had enclosed in the one to himself, he 
told her that he had, in accordance with his duty, done all 
in his power to have her husband arrested, but not having 
succeeded, it gave him pleasure to assure her of his safety.* 

The following letter from Hamilton to Miss Schuyler, 
the daughter of General Schuyler, to whom he was then 
engaged, gives a touching picture of the interview between 
Washington and Mrs. Arnold, and shows how vivid the 
impression her distress and beauty made upon this young 
soldier:' 

"September 25, 1780. 

" Arnold, hearing of the plot being detected, immediately fled to the 
enemy. I went in pursuit of him, but was much too late, and could 
hardly regret the disappointment, when, on my return, I saw an amiable 
woman, frantic with distress for the loss of a husband she tenderly 
loved, a traitor to his country and to his fame; a disgrace to his connec- 
tions; it was the most affecting scene I ever was witness to. She, for a 
considerable time, entirely lost herself. The General went up to see her 
and she upbraided him with being in a plot to murder her child. One 
moment she raved; another she melted into tears. Sometimes she 
pressed her infant to her bosom and lamented its fate, occasioned by the 
imprudence of its father, in a manner that would have pierced insensi- 
bility itself. All the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of innocence, 
all the tenderness of a wife, and all the fondness of a mother showed 
themselves in her appearance and conduct. We have every reason to 
believe that she was entirely unacquainted with the plan, and that the 
first knowledge of it was when Arnold went to tell her he must banish 
himself from his country and from her forever. She instantly fell into 
a convulsion, and he left her in that situation. 

** This morning she is more composed. I paid her a visit, and endeav- 

1. Trving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 145. 

2. Hamilton papers, Vol. I, p. 47S. 



302 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

ored to soothe her by every method in my power ; though you may 
imagine she is not easily to be consoled. Added to her other distresses, 
she is very apprehensive the resentment of her country will tall upon her 
(who is only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband. 

"I have tried to persuade her that her fears are ill founded ; but she will 
not be convinced. She received us in bed, with every circumstance that 
would interest our sympathy, and her sutferings were so eloquent that I 
wished myself her brother, to have a right to become her defender. As 
it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give her proofs of my friend- 
ship. Could I forgive Arnold for sacrificing his honor, reputation, and 
duty, I could not forgive him for acting a part that must have forfeited 
the esteem of so fine a woman. At present she almost forgets his crime 
in his misfortunes, and her horror at the guilt of the traitor, is lost in her 
love of the man. But a virtuous mind cannot long esteem a base one ; 
and time will make her despise, if it cannot make her hate. 

*'A. Hamilton." 

On the evening of the 25t]i the Ynlture sailed to !N^ew 
York, carrying General Arnold, who readied that city the 
next morning, and communicated to Sir Henry Clinton the 
first intelligence he received of the capture of Andre. 

It would be difficult to conceive a more painful position 
than that which Arnold now occupied. Going into the 
British headquarters with the eclat of a great, though 
guilty exploit, by which it was expected the war might be 
brought to an early close, was one thing; to fly to tliese 
quarters for refuge, a detected traitor, and a powerless, 
valueless fugitive, having accomplished nothing but the ex- 
posure of his own treachery, and the hazard of Andre's life, 
was another.^ 

Without anticipating the narration of future events, I 
pause to say that Arnold's life from that day forward, though 
he received many gracious favors from the King and the tory 
party in England, yet his life was a sad one, and adds an- 
other, and one of the most striking and conspicuous in 
history, to the verification of the truth that "the way of 
the transgressor is hard." 

1. " He stood alone— a renegade 
Against the country he betrayed." 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 303 

Tlie news of Arnold's treason created a popular furore 
against liim, the violence of which is indescribable. I^one 
felt the disgrace more keenly than his devoted sister. She 
liad been prond of her brother, and had rejoiced with all a 
sister's fondness in his glory, and she deeply sympathized 
in his wrongs. But now the message from Edith to Morton 
in Old Mortality, w^ouldhave aptly expressed her feelings : 
" Tell him that Edith Bellenden has wept more over his fallen 
character, blighted prospects, and disgraced name, than 
over all her own sniferings." No more could she proudlv 
write, as she had done in his hour of victory, "'Ben' is 
eager to hear everything in relation to his father." ^ Yet 
she stood by him faithfully and heroically, and no popular 
hatred could ever alienate her attachment. She could and 
did always say, " Your health and prosperity are dear to 
me as my own." It will be rememberd that she addressed 
a letter from Philadelphia to Mrs. Arnold, at AVest Point, 
about the middle of September. This letter, full of hope 
and affection, speaks fondly, as a tender maiden sister 
would, of the sons of General Arnold, the two elder of 
which, Ben and Pichard, were at school in Maryland, and 
the younger, Henry, was with her in Philadelphia. When 
the tidings of her brother's flight to the enemy reached her, 
she wrote to an old friend in Kew Haven as follows: 

*' Dear Sir: — My unfortunate brother wrote me some time since that 
he had desired you to send for my bed from Maj. Atwater, and to forward 
it to him If it was not done before the distressful step he has taken, I beg 
you would desire Maj. Atwater to keep it until I send for it, as 'tis most 
probable, if my wretched life is continued, that I shall one day quit this 
land of strangers, and return to that of my birth. Be so good as to de- 
sire Mr. Shipman to keep the money for the china, unless he has paid it 
to you; if he has, you will be so good as to reserve it in your hands, 

1. " Worse than absence, worse than death, 
She wept her brother's sullied fame, 
And fired with all the pride of birth, 
She wept a soldier's injured name." 



304 LIFE OF BENEDICT APvNOLD. 

Let me ask the pity of all my friends ; there never was a more proper 
object of it. Do write. Forsake me not in my distress, I conjure you, 
but let me hear by all opportunities. I am glad Captain Sloan is for- 
tunate. May you all be so, prays the miserable Hannah Arnold. 

"The little unfortunate boys in Maryland are well, as is Harry, who 
desires his love. I was so swallowed up in my own distress, I had forgot 
yours, in the loss of your little son ! But mourn not for him, my friends, 
he has escaped the snares and miseries of a wretched, deceitful and 
sorrowing vale of tears. H. A. 

The above most pathetic letter was written from Philadel- 
phia, and while popular fury was raging with the greatest vio- 
lence against Arnold. I anticipate the narration so far as to 
say that she made her home during life with Kichard and 
Henry, sons of her brother by his first wife, and that her 
sisterly devotion was never forgotten by him. "When an 
exile from his country, and amid all changes of fortune, he 
never forgot to remit to her a pension, and this was relig- 
iously continued after General Arnold's death, by his 
widow. 

On the the 26th September, Major Tallmadge, having in 
custody, Andre, arrived at the Eobinson House. Washing- 
ton declined seeing the prisoner, but gave orders that he 
should be treated with every courtesy and civility consistent 
with his absolute security. 

Major Tallmadge, and indeed every one who was brought 
into personal intercourse with Andre, was fascinated by his 
engaging qualities. He says : 

" It often drew tears from my eyes to find him so agreeable in conver- 
sation on different subjects, when I reflected on his future fate, and that, 
too, as I feared, so near at hand." 

While Tallmadge was on the way with Andre to the 
American head-quarters, their conversation became very cor- 
dial and frank, and finally Andre asked Tallmadge in Avhat 
light he would be regarded by General Washington and a 

1, From a copy in possession of Cliicago His. Society. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 305 

militaiy tribunal. Tallmadge evaded an answer, but beino- 
pressed, he finally said : ' 

" I had a much-loved class-mate in Yale College, by the name of 
Nathan Hale, who entered the army in 1775. iQimediately after the 
battle of Long Island, General Washington wanted information respect- 
ing the strength, position and probable movements of the ennemy. Captain 
Hale tendered his services, went over to Brooklyn, and was taken just 
as he was passing the outposts of the enemy on his return Said I, with 
emphasis: ''Do you remember the sequel of the story?' 'Yes,' said 
Andre, ' he was hanged as a spy ! But you surely do not consider his 
case and mine alike?' 'Yes, precisely similar; and similar will be 
your fate! '" ^ 

The arrival of Arnold in ]N"ew York, and the news of 
Andre's capture, caused a great sensation in the British 
army, Andre was ver}'- popular, and an especial favorite 
with the Commander-in-Chief. Clinton and Arnold and 
Ilo%inson, conferred together as to the means of obtaining 
the release of Andre. Arnold wrote a letter to Clinton 
assuming the responsibility for Andre's conduct, declaring 
that he came to him under the protection of a flag of truce, 
and that he gave him passports to go to White Plains, on 
his return to New York.'^ This letter, enclosed in one from 

1. Trving's Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 149-150. 

2. The following is Arnold's letter, copied from Sparks' Writings of Wash- 
ington, Vol. VII, p.p 334-2. 

" New York, 26th September, 1780. 

"Sir: In answer to your Excellency's message, respecting your Adjutant-Gen- 
eral, Major Andre, and desiring miy idea of the reasons why he is detained, being 
under my passports, I have the honor to inform you. Sir, that I apprehend a few 
hours must return Major Andre to your Excellency's Orders, as that officer is 
assuredly under the protection of a flag of truce .sent by me to him for the purpose 
of a conversation, which d requested to hold with him relating to myself, and 
which I wished to communicate, through that officer, to your Excellency. 

"I commanded at the time at West Point, and had an undoubted right to send' 
my flag of truce for Major Andre, who came to me under that protection, and, 
having held my conversation with him, I delivered him confidential papers in my 
own hand-writing, to deliver to your E.xcellency; thinking it much properer he 
should return by land, I directed him to make use of the feigned name of John 
Anderson, under which he had, by my direction, come onshore, und gave him my 
passports to go to the White Plains on his way to New York. This officer cannot, 
therefore, fail of being immediately sent to New York, as he was invited to a conver- 
sation with me, for which I sent him a flag of truce, and finally gave him passports 

20 



306 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

himself, Clinton forwarded to Washino^ton, claimino^ that 
Andre should be permitted to return to JN^ew York." ^ 

These papers had no influence upon the action of "Wash- 
ington, except possibly to render him still more careful 
and circumspect in regard to the prisoner. He referred the 
case of Major Andre to a board of general officers, which 
he ordered to meet on the 29th, and directed that after a 
careful examination, this board should report their opinion 
"of the light in which he onght to be considered, and 
the punishment that ought to be inflicted." This Board con- 
sisted of six major-generals and eight brigadier-generals.'* 
Hamilton, in a letter to Col. Laurens has given many very 
interesting particulars concerning the conduct, trial and 
execution of Andre. 

" * When brought before the Board of officers, he"met with every in- 
dulgence, and was requested to answer no interrogatory which would 
even embarrass his feelings.' ' He frankly confessed all the facts relating 
to himself.' Indeed, the facts were not controverted, and the Board re- 
ported that Andre ought to be considered as a spy, and agreeably to the 
law and usages of nations, must suffer death. 'Andre met the result 
with manly firmness.' 'I foresee my fate,' said he; ' and though I pre- 
fer his safe return to your Excellency, all which I had then a right to do. being in 
the actual service of America, under the orders of General Washington and com- 
manding general at West Point and its dependencies. 

" I have the honor to be, &c. 

" B. A.RNOLD." 

1. The letter from Clinton is as follows, copied from Sparks' Writings of Wash- 
ington, Vol. VII., p. 534 ! 

" New York, 26th September, 1780. 

'•Sir: Being informed that the King's Adjutant-general in America has been 
stopped under Major-General Arnold's passports, and is detained a prisoner by your 
Excellency's Army, I have the honor to inform you, sir, that I permitted Major 
Andre to go to Major-General Arnold at the particular request of that general 
ofiQcer. You will preceive, Sir, by the inclosed paper, that a flag of truce was sent to 
receive Major Andre, and passports granted for his return, I therefore can have no 
doubt but your Excellency will immediately direct that this officer have permis- 
sion to return to my orders at New York. 

" I have the honor to be, &c." 

2. Their names were, Major-Generals Greene, Stirling, St. Clair, Lafayette. Howe 
and Steuben. Brigadier-Generals Parsons, James Clinton, Knox, Glover, Paterson, 
Hand, Huntington and Stark, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 307 

tend not to play the hero, or to be indifferent about life, yet I am recon- 
ciled to whatever may happen, conscious that misfortune, not guilt, has 
brought it upon me.' " 

On the 30tli of September General "Wasliington sent to 

Sir Henrj Clinton the following statement in regard to 

Andre : 

"Head-Qua-rters, 30 September, 1780. 

"Sir: — In answer to your Excellency's letter of the 26th instant, 
which I had the honor to receive, I have to inform you that Major Andre 
was taken under such circumstances as would have justified the most 
summary proceeding against him. I determined, however, to refer his 
case to the examination and decision of a board of general officers, who 
have reported, on his free and voluntary confession and letters: ' First, 
That he came on shore from the Vulture Sloop-of-War in the night of 
the 21st of September instant, on an interview with General Arnold, in a 
private and secret manner. 

" ' Secondly, That he changed his dress within our lines ; and, under a 
feigned name, and in a disguised habit, passed our works at Stony & 
Verplank's Points, the evening of the 22nd of September instant, and 
was taken the morning of the 23d of September instant, at Tarry Town, 
in a disguised habit, being then on his way to New York; and when 
taken, he had in liis possession several papers which contained intelli- 
gence for the enemy.' 

"' From these proceedings it is evident that Major ' Andre was em- 
ployed in the execution of measures very foreign to the objects of flags 
of truce, and such as they were never meant to authorize or countenance 
in the most distant degree; and this gentleman confessed, with the 
greatest candor, in the course of his examination, ' that it was impossi- 
ble for him to suppose that he came on shore under the sanction of a 
flag.' I have the honor to be, &c. 

"George Washington." 
— Sparks^ Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 538. 

The closing part of the report of the Board of Officei-s 
was not quoted in the letter to Sir Henrj Clinton. It was 
in the following words: 

"The Board, having maturely considered these facts, do also report to 
his Excellency, General Washington, that Major Andre, adjutant-general 
to the British army, ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy, and 
that agreeably to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he 
ought to suffer death." 



308 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

The execution was to have taken place on the first of Oc- 
tober, at 5 P. M., but Washington received a second letter 
from Clinton, expressing the opinion that the Board liad 
not been 'rightly informed of all the circumstances on 
which a judgment ought to be formed/ and adding : ' I 
think it of the highest moment to humanity that your 
Excellency should be perfectly apprised of the state of this 
matter before you proceed to put that judgment in execu- 
tion;' and he sent Lieut.-General Robertson, Lieut.-Gen- 
eral Andrew Elliot, and the Hon. "Wm. Smith, Chief Jus- 
tice, ' to give Washington a true state of the facts,' as he 
wrote, and " to declare to you my sentiments and resolu- 
tions." 

These gentlemen came up, accompanied by Col. Beverly 
Robinson. General Greene, on the part of Washington, met 
Gen. Robertson on behalf of this party, and a long confer- 
ence was held. Greene left to report to Washington all 
that had been urged in behalf of Andre, and said he would 
inform Robertson of the result. A letter from Arnold was 
also delivered to Greene for Washington, expressing his 
gratitude and thanks for kindness to Mrs. Arnold in her dis- 
tress, and then making an argument attempting to prove that 
Andre ought not to be considered as a spy ; and he closed 
by making a most earnest appeal to Washington for the life 
of Andre. "Suffer me to entreat your excellency for your 
own and the honor of humanity, and the love you have of 
justice, that you suffer not an unjust sentence to touch the 
life of Major Andre." "But," he unwisely added, "if 
this warning should be disregarded, and he suffer, I call 
heaven and earth to witness, that your excellency will be 
justly answerable for the torrent of blood that may be 
spilt in consequence. ^ 

Greene sent a note to General Robertson, informing him 

1. Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 541. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 309 

that he had made as full a report of their conference as his 
memory would enable him to do, but that it made no alter- 
ation in the opinion and determination of "Washington. 
Robertson then dispatched a letter to "VYashinorton, ffoino- 
over the subject and arguing it again, and then the party 
returned to New York. 

Andre, on the morning of October the first, the day he 
expected to suffer, sent the following note to Washington: 

" Tappan, 1 October, 1780. 

"Sir: — Buoyed above the terror cf death by the consciousness of a 
life devoted to honorable pursuits, and stained with no action that can 
g"ive me remorse, I trust that the request I make to your Excellency at 
this serious period, and which is to soften my last moments, will not be 
rejected. 

'* Sympathy towards a soldier will surely induce your Excellency and a 
military tribunal to adapt the mode of my death to the feeHngs of a man 
of honor. 

"Let me hope. Sir, that if aught in my character impresses you with 
esteem towards me; if aught in my misfortunes marks me as the victim 
of policy and not of resentment, I shall experience the operation of those 
feelings in your breast, by being informed that I am not to die on a 
gibbet. 

"I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most 
humble servant,* John Andre." 

This touching request Washington felt that he could not 
grant, and therefore did not reply to the note. The follow- 
ing letter, from Hamilton to Miss Schuyler, narrates the 
end of this most melancholy tragedy.** 

" Tappan, Oct. 2, 1780. 
"Poor Andre suffers to-day. Everything that is amiable in virtue, in 
fortitude, in delicate sentiment and accomplished manners, pleads for 
him, but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. He must die. I send 
you my account of Arnold's affair: and to justify myself to your senti- 
ments, I must inform you that I urged a compliance with Andre's request 
to be shot; and I do not think it would have had an ill-effect, but some 
people are only sensible to motives of policy, and sometimes, from a nar- 
row disposition, mistake it. 

1. Writings of Washington, Vol.VII, p. 543. 

2. Hamilton's Papers, Vol. I, p. 408. 



310 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

"When Andre's tale comes to be told, and present resentment is over, 
the refusing him the privilege of choosing the manner of his death will 
be branded with too much obstinacy. 

" It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea of an exchange for 
Arnold, but I knew I should have forfeited his esteem by doing i% and 
tiierefore declined it. As a man of honor, he could not but reject it, and 
I would not for the world have proposed to him a thing which must have 
placed me in the unamiable light of supposing him capable of meanness, 
or of not feeling myself the impropriety of the measure. I confess to you, 
I had the weakness to value the esteem of a dying man, because I rever- 
enced his merit. A. Hamilton." 

There are indications that neither Arnold nor Andre, nor 
Sir Henry Clinton, at first fully realized the danger of 
Andre's position. All of them seemed to have assumed 
that Arnold's safe conduct would protect him. Colonel 
Eobinson, Washington's old Yirginia friend, in a letter to 
him, after stating that Andre went up the Hudson at 
request of Arnold, with a flag of truce, and held that 
ofticer's pass to return, seems to have taken it for granted 
that Andre would be set at liberty, for he closes by saying : 
" Under these circumstances, Andre cannot be detained by 
you." ^ Clinton concludes his first letter to Washington 
on the subject by saying : " I can have no doubt your 
Excellency will immediately direct that this ofiicer have per- 
mission to return." " 

Andre's conversation with Colonel Tallmadge, before quo- 
ted, seems to have been the first occasion on which there was 
brought to his knowledge the gravity of his danger. 

When Arnold was made to appreciate Andre's extreme 
peril, his anxiety and deep solicitude are manifested in his 
impassioned letter to Washington above quoted, in which 
he implored and "entreated" his old commander not to 
" suffer an unjust sentence to touch the life of Andre." 

1. Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 533. 

2. Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 534. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 811 

It was proposed to Hamilton that he should sii^o-est to 
Andre his exchange for Arnold. That chivalric joung offi- 
cer at once declined. He says: 

" As a man of honor he (Andre) could not but reject the proposition. 
And I would not for the world have proposed anything- which must have 
placed me in the unamiable light of supposing him capable of mean- 
ness." ^ 

An intimation was sent to Sir Henry Clinton, that the 
only way to save Andre was to surrender Arnold to die in 
his place, and this fact was brought to the knowledo-e of 
General Arnold. 

It has been stated, on authority which I will give, that 
Arnold thereupon proposed to go back and give himself up 
to save the life of Andre. The facts are thus stated in Sar- 
gent's life of Andre.** 

In 1782 a personal controversy in regard to Arnold arose 
in London, between one Eobert Morris and Capt. James 
Battersby, of the British army. Morris published in a 
newspaper^ a violent attack upon Arnold, charging among 
other things, " that he made no offer of his own person to 
save that of Andre." 

Captain Battersby, who (Sargent says) " enjoyed the 
friendship of military men of the highest social rank, came 
forw^ard declaring he verily believed Arnold did offer to 
surrender himself, and with the statement,* for the truth 
of which he appealed to the gentlemen who were, in the fall 
of 1780, members of Clinton's family." " He declared he 
was with the English army when Andre was captured and 
Arnold came in, and that it was currently reported and be- 
lieved in the lines, that Arnold himself proposed to Sir 

1. Life of Andre, p. 364. 

2. Life of Andre, pp. 375, 456. 

3. Letter of Feb'y 9, 1782, in the " General Advertiser," quoted frora Sargent's 
Life of Andre, p. 456. 

4. In the Morning Herald. 



312 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Henrv tliat he might be permitted to go out and surrender 
liimself in exchange for Andre, and that the reply was, 
' Your proposal, sir, does you great honor, but if Andre was 
my own brother I could not agree to it." ^ 

'No denial of the truth of this statement and that Arnold 
made such an offer appears, although the appeal was pub- 
licly made to the gentlemen of Clinton's staff to make such 
denial if it was untrue. When it is remembered how 
Andre was beloved by his comrades in the family of Clinton 
and by his fellow soldiers of the army, and the position of 
Arnold is recalled, it appears to me that if the statement of 
Captain Battersby was untrue, it would have been promptly 
contradicted. Saro:ent adds that "the anecdote is not 
devoid of support from what we know of the man's 
(Arnold's) nature." 

No one who has read Sarsrent's indiOTiant denunciation 
of Arnold, will suspect him of any disposition to lighten 
the shades of Arnold's infamy, and yet this careful writer 
says, " Such an overture would have been perfectly in keep- 
ing with his reckless intrepidity of character." ^^ The 
biographer of Andre would not be too credulous in believ- 
in<y on insufficient evidence such a statement. 

I regret that I have no additional proof of its truth. 1 
think those who have studied Arnold's character most 
closely, will agree with Sargent, that such an act " would 
have been perfectly in keepinor with the intrepidity," and I 
add, the impulsiveness "of his nature." Besides what was 
there now left for Arnold to live for after his disgrace and 
the failure of the conspiracy ? That he realized his unhappy 
fate, I do not doubt. Such a sensational death, a voluntary 
sacrifice of his life to save the life of Andre, exhibiting 
alike his courage and his generosity, would not, in his des- 
]mir, have been altogether repulsive. It would unquestion- 

1. Life of Andre, p. 375. 

2. Life of Andre, p. '375. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 313 

ablj have been better for his fame if Sir Henry Clinton had 
assented to his offer. 

If tlie suggestion proposed to Hamilton had been made 
to Andre, there cannot be a doubt he would have looked 
upon it as Hamilton did ; he would liave rejected it with 
indignation. He would have said, " We took our chances 
and our hazards. General Arnold, by good fortune and by 
his wonderful coolness and prompt decision, escaped. I 
have been less fortnnate, but it would be unmanly in me 
not to abide the issue." There can scarcely be a doubt that 
if Andre, when halted by the militia men, had promptly 
presented his pass, he would not have been detained. 
Paulding, the leader of the party, said: " Had he pulled out 
General Arnold's pass first, I should have let him go." * 

Andre was an elegant and accomplished gentleman, and 
died possessing the sympathy of his judges, and the friend- 
ship of all the American officers with whom he had been 
brouirht into familiar intercourse. Both Tallmadore and 
Hamilton expressed for him an attachment almost passion- 
ate. He died in the full uniform of his rank in the British 
army. 

A letter from Andre to Sir Henry Clinton, dated the 
29th of September, expressing gratitude for his kindness, 
and commending to his consideration his mother and 
sisters, and exonerating his Commander from all responsi- 
bility for his fate, is very touching, and shows the delicacy 
of his feelino^s."^ The folio wins: is the letter: 

"Tappan, 29 September, 1780. 
"Sir: — Your Excellency is doubtless already apprized of the manner 
in which I was taken, and possibly of the serious light in which my 
conduct is considered, and the rigorous determination that is impending. 
Under the circumstances, I have obtained General Washington's per- 
mission to send you this letter, the object of which is to remove from 

1, Life of Andre, p. 314. 

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 537. 



314 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

your breast any suspicion that I could imaarine I was bound by your Ex- 
cellency's orders to expose myself to what has happened. The events of 
coming within an enemy's posts and of changing- my dress, which led 
me to my present situation, were contrary to my own intentions, as they 
were to your orders; and the circuitous route which I took to return was 
imposed (perhaps unavoidably) without alternative upon me. 

" I am perfectly tranquil in mind, and prepared for any fate to which 
an honest zeal for my King's service may have devoted me. 

"In addressing myself to your Excellency, on this occasion, the force 
of all my obligations to you, and of the attachment and gratitude I bear 
you, recurs to me. With all the warmth of my heart, I give you thanks 
for your Excellency's profuse kindness to me; and I send you the most 
earnest wishes for your weli'are, which a faithful, affectionate, and re- 
spectful attendant can frame. 

" I have a mother and three sisters, to whom the value of my commis- 
sion would be an object, as the loss of Grenada has much affected their 
income. It is needless to be more explicit on this subject. I am per- 
suaded of your Excellency's goodness. 

*' I receive the greatest attention from his Excellency, General Wash- 
ington, and from every person under whose charge I happen to be placed. 

•' I have the honor to be, with the most respectful attachment, your 
Excellency's most obedient, humble servant, John Andre, 

' ^A djutant- General. ' ' 

The circumstances under which this letter was written, 
are thus detailed by Hamilton : 

" In one of the visits I made to him," said Hamilton "(and I saw him 
several times during his confinement), he begged me to be the bearer of 
a request to tlie General for permission to send an open letter to Sir 
Henry Clinton. ' There is only one thing, ' said he, ' that disturbs my 
tranquility. Sir Henry Clinton has been loo good to me; he has been 
lavish of his kindness; I am bound to him by too many obligations, and 
love him too well, to bear the thought that he should reproach himself or 
others should reproach him, on the supposition of my having conceived 
myself obliged, by his instructions, to run the risk I did. I would not, 
for the world, leave a sting in his mind that should embitter his future 
days.' He could scarce finish the sentence, bursting into tears in spite of 
his efforts to suppress them, and with difficulty collected himself enough 
afterward to add, ' I wish to be permitted to assure him I did not act 
under this impression, but submitted to a necessity imposed upon me, as 
contrary to my own inclination as to his orders.' " 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. ol5 

Oil the 10th of August, 1821, the remains of Andre were 
removed from the banks of tlie Hudson to Westminster 
Abbey, and interred there, near the monument which had 
been long before erected to his memory. 

In the south aisle, near the window, and surrounded by 
the greatest names in English history, is Andre's monu- 
ment: ^ 

"Sacred to the memory of Major John Andre, who, 
raised by his merits at an early period of life, to the rank 
of Adjutant-General of the British forces in America, and, 
employed in an important but hazardous enterprise, fell a 
sacrifice to his zeal for his King and Country, on the 2nd 
of October, 1780, aged twenty-nine, universally beloved 
and esteemed by the army in which he served, and lamented 
even by his foes. His gracious sovereign. King George III, 
has caused this monument to be erected." 

On the plinth these words have since been added : "The 
remains of Major John Andre were, on the 10th of August, 
1821, removed from Tappan by James Buchanan, Esq., his 
Majesty's Consnl, at New York, nnder instructions from his 
Koyal Highness, the Duke of York, and w^ith permission 
of the Dean and Chapter, finally deposited in a grave con- 
tiguous to this monument, on the 28th of November, 
1821." 

Although few can regard with approval tlie enterprise 
in which Andre lost his life, none will regret the honors 
conferred upon him in the venerable old Abbey which en- 
shrines so many of England's worthies. 

1. Sargent's Life of Andre, p. 411. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

MRS. ARNOLD'S INNOCENCE— WAS ANDRE A SPY? 

" She " (Mrs. Arnold) " is as good and as innocent as an angel, and is incapable 
of doing -wiong.— Arnold to Washington. 

Was Mrs. Arnold Guilty of Complicity with her Husband's Treason?— Was 
Andre a Spy, and Executed in Accordance with the Laws of War? 

When the attention of the reader was last called to Mrs. 
Arnold, she " was overw^helmed with grief," and made 
frantic by fear and apprehension for her husband's life. 
She was somewhat relieved by Washington's assurance ol 
his escape and safety. 

General Arnold had entreated that she might " be per- 
mitted to return to her friends in Philadelphia, or come to 
him in New York, as she might choose." She was treated 
by Washington and his officers, while she remained at the 
Hobinson House, with the utmost courtesy and attention, 
and when she started to go to her father in Philadelphia, 
Major Franks, late the aide and devoted friend of her hus- 
band, and who had been intimate with her family, w^as 
kindly detailed by AVashington to escort her on her journey. 

Aaron Burr, the third Yice-President of the United 
States, in the biography of Burr, by Mathew L. Davis, is 
made to allege that Mrs. Arnold was not only privy to her 
husband's treachery, but that she "induced him. to do 

(316) 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 317 

what lie had done." In other words, like Eve, she had 
tempted and allured him to his fall. 

This charge, made by Burr to Davis, rests upon his state- 
ment alone, and is entirely without corroboration. After 
describing the arrival of Mrs. Arnold at the house of Mrs. 
Provost, on her journey to Philadelphia, Mr. Davis says : 

"As soon as they (Mrs. Arnold and Mrs. Provost) were 
left alone, Mrs. Arnold became tranquilized, and assured 
Mrs. Provost that she was heartily tired of the theatricals 
she was exhibiting. * * Stated that she had corres- 
ponded with the British commander, and that she was dis- 
gusted with the American cause, and those who had the 
management of public affairs, and that through great per- 
suasion and unceasing perseverance, she had ultimately 
brought the General into an arrangement to surrender 
West Pomt." Mrs. Provost afterwards became the wife of 
Col. Burr, and repeated to him, as Davis states, these con- 
fessions of Mrs. Arnold. ^ Col. Burr and Mrs. Provost 
were married in July, 1782. 

The case, then, is this: Mr. Davis says that Colonel Bun- 
told him that Mrs. Provost said that Mrs. Arnold declared 
she had seduced General Arnold from fidelity to his country 
and his flag. 

Some time after their marriage — how long we are not told 
— Mrs. Burr repeated the conversation to her husband, and 
Burr, some time within the half-century following, repeated 
the conversation to Davis. It is hearsay evidence, three 
times removed, and repeated with years of interval between 
the repetitions. As such, it is worthless, independent of the 
notorious character of Burr. 

Mrs. Provost may have misunderstood Mrs. Arnold; when 
detailing the conversation to Colonel Burr she may have 
given her own impressions, instead of the facts. Burr may 

1. Life of Burr, by Mathew L. Davis, Vol. I, page, 219. 



318 LIFE OF BET^EDICT ARIS^OLD. 

have done the same when repeating it to Davis. Every 
one at all familiar with judicial investigations, knows by ex- 
perience how utterly unreliable this sort of evidence is. 
Par ton, in re- stating the story, does not claim to have any 
additional evidence, but rej)eats the tale of Davis with em- 
bellishments. 

This story is extremely improbable. Her youth, being 
then only twenty years of age, renders such complicity 
very unlikely. Arnold himself entirelj^ exonerates her. 
" The mistaken vengeance of my countrymen," says he, in 
his letter to Washington, " ought to fall only on me. She 
is as good and innocent as an angel." This testimony must 
be taken cautiously, for whatever it is worth. But it seems 
rather the passionate and impulsive declaration of her 
innocence than an artful attempt to screen her. Besides, 
Hamilton and Wasliington both believed her innocent, and 
their opportunities for judging were better than those of 
any others, except Major Franks. The following is his very 
important, and, under the circumstances, conclusive testi- 
mony on the subject : 

"Major Franks, of the Reyolutionary army, was a well-known 
acquaintance of my parents," says Mrs. Gibson. ^ "He was respected 
and welcomed wherever he went, for his social good humor and manly 
candor. In one of his visits to Philadelphia, where his near relations 
resided, he was often at my father's, and one day, when dining- with 
other gentlemen at our home, and my father and the others had retired to 
the parlor, my mother detained Major Franks to converse with him respect- 
ing Mis. Arnold, whom she had recently heard very unjustly spoken 
of. He entered upon the subject with alacrity. ' Mamma said to 
him: 'Tell me. Major Franks, what is your opinion and belief concern- 
ing her knowledge of her husband's plans.' He quickly replied : 
'Madam, she knew nothing of them— nothing; she was ignorant 
of them as a babe.' His manner was solemn and earnest, and 1 began 
to think it might be proper for me to withdraw, but he said, ' don't let 
Betsy go — I have nothing to say that she may not hear.' Of course I 

1. The statement is made by Mrs. James Gibson, daughter of Jno. Beal Bordly, 
Washington's correspondent, and is extracted from the Shippen Papers. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 319 

g-ladly resumed my seat at table, and he went on:— 'Madam, I am glad 
yoQ have mentioned this subject. I have much to say. I am much dis- 
tressed by it. Within a few days I have heard for the first time things said 
of her that are contrary to truth — false! utterly false! You know I was one 
of General Arnold's aides. He paid me the compliment to assign me the 
particular duty of protecting Mrs. Arnold; of attending to her safety, her 
general welfare, and her health. I was, in the General's family, laugh- 
ingly called ' the nurse! ' Her health was then delicate, and while Gen. 
Arnold was in command at West Point he frequently sent her to differ- 
ent, and sometimes distant parts of the country, on that side of the river. 
He always sent a guard with her, besides her female attendant, and gave 
me very particular charge over her welfare. He spoke of her suffering in 
the bustle of the camp, and wished her to be relieved from it during the 
summer. I obeyed, nothing doubting, but considering him a pattern for 
a husband. * * But, madam, she knew nothing of his projects. In 
truth, she was subject to occasional paroxysms of physical indisposition, 
attended by nervous debility, during which she would give utterance to 
anything and everything on her mind. This was a fact well known amongst 
us of the General's family; so much so as to cause us to be scru^Dulous of 
what we told her, or said in her hearing. General Arnold was guarded 
and impenetrable towards all around him, and I should believe her to have 
been ignorant of his plans, even without my knowledge of this peculiar 
feature in her constitution; but irith it, such a strong corroborative proof, 
I am most solemnly and firmly convinced that General Arnold never con- 
fided his detestable scheme to her. He could not have ventured to do it. 
He was, moreover, too well aware of her icarm patriotic feelings. You 
know, Madam, Jiotv cornpletehj she teas American at that important 
2)eriod. Madam, I can aver solemnly she teas totally ignorant of his 
schemes.'' " 

The followins: facts are vouched for as known in tlie 
Shippen family at the time of tlie Revolution; they liave 
been often privately repeated, but never mentioned be- 
yond its most intimate circle, till the publication of what 
they style the base calumny contained in the memoirs of 
Aaron Burr: 

"Mrs. Arnold having determined to go to her father, in Philadelphia, 
set out with her young child and nurse in her carriage, to travel there by 
easy stages. On her way she stopped to spend the night at Mrs. Pro- 
vost's, an old acquaintance, and afterwards the wife of Col. Burr, and at 
that time on terms of tender friendship, if not indeed engaged to him. 



320 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

"These facts are told by Burr's biographer, who no doubt, follows BurrV 
naiTative accurately, but he omits the fact that Burr himself met 
Mrs. Arnold at Mrs. Provosts, and when she left the house in the morn- 
ing, offered his escort, which he pretended might be useful to her in the 
then excited state of the public mind on the subject of her husband's trea- 
son. Still less does he disclose what his friends would not have ventured 
to repeat, that on the way he basely made love to this afflicted lady, 
thinking to take»adv|lntage of her just feelings of indignation towards 
her husband and her helpless condition, to help him in his infamous de- 
sign. Yet this is the fact if the family tradition is true. And being 
indignantly repelled, he treasured up his revenge, and left a story 
behind him worthy of his false and malignant heart, to blast this amiable 
lady's fame, when there might be no one to disprove or deny it. ^ " 

Besides, the conduct of Mrs. Arnold, on the discovery of 
her husband's treason, is utterly inconsistent with guilt. 
That a young woman of her years, still almost a child, should 
have been capable of imposing upon Washington and his 
aids, is incredible. If guilty, when Arnold announced to 
her his flight, all papers indicating guilt would have been 
destroyed; and when Washington gave her permission to 
join her husband in ]^ew York, or go to her father in 
Philadelphia, if conscious of guilt, what would she have 
done? Guilt is ever fearful; it flies when none pursue. 
If guilty, her punishment would have been death. In the 
intense excitement then existins:, neither her vouth and 
beauty, nor all her domestic virtues, could have saved her 
from the fury of her enraged country. If conscious of 
guilt, she would have seized the opportunity to have iound 
safety by the side of her husband, whom " she dearh^ 
loved," within the British lines, in l^ew York. Instead of 
this, she fearlessly goes to Philadelphia, where Congress 
was in session, and where an outraged people were clamor- 
ing for a victim! Nothing but a consciousness of innocence 
could have induced her to remain within the power of the 
American government, when Washington ofi'ered her an 

1. Shippen Papers. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 821 

escort to her luisbaiid and a place of safety. It is incredible, 
if she were guilt}^, that she would have volnntarily con- 
fronted Congress at a moment of such exasperation, and 
when the people were eager for a victim. 'No one who reads 
her letters contained in this volume, will believe her capable 
of acting the double part with which she has been charged. 
On the contrary, if Arnold had disclosed his plans to her, 
she would have been much more Hkelj^, prompted alike by 
her love and her clear perception of right, to have tried to 
save him from the commission of a fearful crime and a 
terrible blunder. 

Whatever might have been Mrs. Arnold's final decision, 
as to whetlier she should remain with her father and friends 
in Philadelphia, or join her husband in New York, the 
choice was not left her by the Council of Pennsylvania. 
On the^th of October the Council of that State adopted 
a resolution compelling her to leave the State, and forbid- 
ding her return during the war.' 

Mrs. Arnold followed her husband to New York, and 
shared his fate in evil, as in good report. Her letters to 
her father's family, full of respect and tenderness, bear 
abundant testimony that whatever may have been her hus- 
band's faults, he was ever a most devoted, faithful and affec- 
tionate husband. In a letter to her father, dated July 13th, 
1TS5, she says : "General Arnold's affection for me is un- 
bounded; " and in another, she says, " he is the best of hus- 

1. The following is a copy, from the minutes in Council : -^ 

Philadelphia, Friday, Oct.^gl^ 17S0. 

" The Counsel, taking into consideration the case of Mrs. Margaret Arnold (the 
wife of Benedict Arnold, an attainted traitor, with the enemy at New York), whose 
residence in this city has become dangerous to the public safety; and this board 
being desirous, as much as possible, to prevent any correspondence and intercourse 
being carried on with persons of disaifected character in this State and the enemy 
at New York, and especially with the said Benedict Arnold, therefore, Hesolvcdf 
That the said Margaret Arnold depart this State within fourteen days from the date 
hereof, and that she do not return again during the continuauce_of the present 
war." 

21 



322 LIFE OF BENEDICT APvNOLD. 

bands; " and all lier letters indicate that there never existed 
a family more kind and affectionate, tender and unselfish 
towards each other. 

The sad tragedj^ of Andre, the romance of his life, and 
early death, the treason of Arnold, closing in disgrace a 
brilliant military career, and Mrs. Arnold's great beauty 
and fascination, have all contributed to make the e^:ents I 
have been describing among the most interesting in Ameri- 
can history. 

Washington's action in ordering the execution of Andre, 
was, in the excited feelings of that day, severely criticised 
and unqualifiedly denounced by the English, but liis con- 
duct has since been sanctioned by the deliberate judgment 
of the candid and enlightened world. An exception to this 
judgment is found in Lord Mahon's history of England, ^ 
in which he says : 

" Unless I greatly deceive myself, the intelligent classes of his (Wash- 
ton's) countrymen, will ere long join others in condemning the death- 
warrant of Andre, certainly by far the greatest, perhaps the only, blot in 
his noble career." 

This declaration by an English historian so distinguished, 
re-opened the question of Andre's execution, and of Wash- 
in2:ton's conduct, and brouo^ht ao^ain before the world the 
question, "Was Andre a spy, and was his death in accord- 
ance with the laws of war, as practiced and settled by the 
civilized nations of the earth?" 

There has never been any serious dispute about the facts 
of the case. 

Andre, at the instance of Arnold, came ashore and went 
within the American lines, to further a treacherous con- 
spiracy between the commander at "West Point and Sir 
Henry Clinton, for the surrender of that post to the British 
army. He came at midnight, under an assumed name, 

1. Vol. VII. London, 1854. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 823 

met Arnold in secret, and finding the objects of the inter- 
view could not be concluded without longer time, went to 
the house of Smith, and there concluded the corrupt agree- 
ment, received from Arnold the papers which it was sup- 
posed would enable Clinton to take the post, and concealed 
these papers in his boots. AVhile Andre was concealed at 
Smith's, an American officer, bringing his guns to bear 
upon the Yulture, which had brought Andre ashoi-e, com- 
pelled her to move down the river, and rendered it difficult 
and dangerous for him to go back to her, and compelled 
him to return to ISTew York with his concealed papers by 
land. Disguised in clothes loaned him by Smith, w^ith 
Smith as a guide, and with Arnold's pass or safe conduct, 
under an assumed name, in his pocket, he crossed the river 
and proceeded towards Kew York, the pass of Arnold prov- 
ing his sufficient protection until he arrived at a place 
called Crompond, where he and his guide stayed all night, 
At daylight Andre again started, accompanied by Smith, 
and they passed on beyond the American lines into what 
was called the " Keutral Ground," between the two armies. 
Smith them left him, and it was supposed all danger was 
passed, when, as has been before described, Andre was 
arrested, searched, the secret and treasonable papers found 
upon him, and Paulding, one of his cajjtors, exclaimed: 
"My God, he is a spy!" 

Was this true? 

Washington convened a court, consisting of all the gen- 
eral officers in the neighborhood, to inv^estigate the case, 
report the facts, and in what light Andre should be con- 
sidered, and the punishment that ought to be inflicted. The 
board reported the facts, their conclusion, that "he ought to 
be considered a spy from the enemy, and that agreeably to 
the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought 
to suffer death." 



324 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Washington considered the question carefully, heard 
everything which Arnold, Clinton, Eobinson, and indeed 
every one else, could offer in his behalf, but his judgment 
concurring in the rejoort of the court, he reluctantly but 
firmly ordered his execution. "Was this decision legal? 

What is a spy? Yattel's definition is: *' Spies are those 
who introduce themselves among the enemy to discover the 
condition of his afi'airs, penetrate his designs, and com- 
municate them to his employers." 

Professor Martin's summary of the Law of ISations, a 
work commended by Chancellor Kent, gives this definition: 
" Those who, under a false name and disguised character, 
enter the camp of the enemy to serve as spies, and to empoison, 
assassinate or corrujpt, are punished with death;" and in 
the foot-note is added, " See the instance of Major Andre." * 

This principle has been adopted by the British Parlia- 
ment in legislation. That body in 1749 enacted " that all 
spies, and persons whatsoever who shall come, or be found 
in the nature of spies, to bring any seducing letter, or 
message from any enemy or rebel, or endeavor to corru])t 
any captain, officer or mariner "^ * to betray his trust, on 
being convicted by a court-martial, shall suffer death, &c."^ 
"Those seeking to surprise a town, and if they were in dis- 
guise, or had employed treachery, would be treated as 
spies." ' 

But Lord Mahon attempts to shield Andre from respon- 
sibility, and argues that he ought not to have suft'ered the 
penalty of a detected spy because he bore the pass of Gen- 
eral Arnold. 

Should the pass of Arnold, a co-conspirator, protect Andre? 

What was the extent of the power of the commander of 

1. The case of Major Andre, by Charles J, Biddle. 

2. The case of Major Andre, by Charles J Biddle. 

3. Vattel. Note to page 373- quoting Grotius' History of the disturbance in the 
Netherlands. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 325 

West Point? He could bind the authorities of tlie United 
States only when acting in good faith, and within the scope 
of the authority conferred upon him. When he went out- 
side of that, his acts were a legal nullity, especially when 
acting in collusion with one who knew that he was viola- 
ting his trust, and w^ho had fraudulently conspired with 
him to betray his principal. 

The idea that a conspirator's pass will j^rotect a co-con- 
spirator, is a position which is scarcely debatable. An 
officer, when acting clearly beyond the scope of his author- 
ity, does not bind his principal any more than an ordinary 
agent. AVhen an officer acts in collusion with the enemy, 
to betray his trust, the act has no color of validity, legal or 
moral, as against the principal who is to be injured. 

"' The treacherous betrayal of his trust was beyond the 
scope of Arnold's authority; it w^as know^n to be so by An- 
dre, and a pass or agreement in furtherance of the conspir- 
acy, would be absolutely void." 

The pass was given to Andre, to enable him to carry to 
his commander. Sir Henry Clinton, papers and intelligence 
which it w^as supposed w^ould enable that officer to capture 
West Point. That such a paper should be set up as a pro- 
tection, is as absurd as it w^ould have been for Clinton to have 
called upon General Washington to surrender West Point, 
because Arnold, while in command, had agreed to surren- 
der it! 

Again, the pass was a sham on the face of it. It Avas 
given to John Anderson^ not to Major Andre. It is per- 
fectly well settled that a pass is not transferable, and a pass 
to a man under a false or fictitious name, is void. " Tlie per- 
son named in the safe conduct cannot transfer his privilege 
to another." ^ 

Washington expresses with accuracy the condition of 

1. Vattel, p. 416. 



326 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Andre, with reference to the flag of truce, in his letter to 
Clinton. " It is evident that Andre was employed in the ex- 
ecution of measures ver}^ foreign to the objects of a flag of 
truce, and such as they were never meant to authorize or 
countenance in the most remote degree; and this gentleman 
confessed, with the greatest candor, in the course of his ex- 
amination, "that it was impossible for him to suppose he 
came under the sanction of a flag." Perhaps it may seem 
harsh in this connection to say, a detected impostor has 
never been and should never be permitted to claim the im- 
munities of the sacred emblem he has abused. To use a 
flag of truce under which to concert treachery and treason, 
is certainly as great an abuse of that emblem of faith as 
can be conceived. The sacred character of such flag — sacred 
and respected among all nations — makes its prostitution 
and abuse the more criminal. He who so abuses it can 
hardly expect, nor did Andre claim, when detected, its im- 
munity against punishment. 

The opinion of Homilly, afterwards the great English 
jurist and law-reformer, shows the fallacy of those who 
sought to save Andre from responsibility as a spy. He 
says: 

" What do you think of Arnold's conduct? You miy well suppose he 
does not want advocates here. I cannot join with them. The arguments 
used by Clinton and Arnold, in their letters to Washington, to prove that 
Andre could not be considered a spy, are: First, that he had with him, 
when he was taken, a protection of Arnold's, who was at that time act- 
ing under a commission of the Congress, and therefore competent to 
give protection. Certainly, he was, to all strangers to his neg-otiations 
with CUnton, but not to Andre, who knew him to be at that time a 
traitor to the Congress; nay more, whose protection was granted for no 
other purpose but to promote and give eflect to his treachery. In the 
second place, they say that at the time he was taken he was upon neutral 
ground; but then they do not deny that he had been within the Ameri- 
can lines in disguise. . . . Panegyrics on the gallant Andre are un- 
bounded; they call him the EngHsh Mutius, and talk of erecting monu- 
ments to his memory. Certainly no man in his situation could have 



i 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 327 

acted with more detemiinecl courage, but his situation was by no means 
such as to admit of these exaggerated praises/' ^ 

But, conceding Andre's guilt, and that by the laws of 
war, he was liable to suffer death, might not AVashington 
have sjDared his life without prejudice to the cause of his 
country? 

In answering this question, we must remember that the 
United States w^ere then struggling for existence and recoo-- 
nition as an independent nation, and that the result was yet 
in doubt. To take human life for a violation of law is an act 
of the highest sovereignty. Here was a conspicuou s case : the 
Adjutant-General of the British army, caught and con- 
demned as a spy, with unmistakeable evidence of his guilt 
upon his person. The drama was being enacted in the face 
of the British, American and French armies, and with all 
the world as observers. Had there been hesitation or va- 
cillation, or failure on the part of Washington to exercise 
in this clear case the high act of sovereignty, it would have 
been attributed to a want of confidence in the success of his 
cause; and it would have been ascribed to weakness, perhaps 
to cowardice. 

Lookers on might have said: "Washington fears the 
result of the war; he himself may be tried as a rebel, and 
he dare not execute Andre because he fears that, in the 
event of failure, it might add to his own personal danger! 
It was therefore necessary that Andre should die. It 
was felt by Washington to be necessary to show the world 
that " no greater impunity would attend the acts of him 
who, as a spy, sought the destruction of this young repub- 
lic, than would have attended the act if committed against 

1. Contributions to Am. Hist., Pa. Hist. Society, 1858, p. S8C, quoted from Life of 
Sir Samuel Romilly, Vol. 1, 104. 

For a full, able, and exhaustive discussion of this question, see " The Case of Ma- 
jor Andre," by Charles J. Biddle, in Publications of Pa. Hist..Socioty, 1858. 



328 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

the oldest and strongest government in the world." ' This 
act of national sovereignty was executed with a dignity, a 
humanity, yet with an inflexible firmness, that showed how 
strong was the hand of Washington at the hehn. 

1. The British had then lately hung as a spy a young American, Captain Nathan 
Hale, an oflBcer as accomplished and engaging as Andre. Should the Royal army 
exercise exclusively the right of executing spies? Would it not be just and expe- 
dient for Washington to follow the example of the enemy ? 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

ARNOLD VAINLY ATTEMPTS TO JUSTIFY HIS TREASON. 

" I fought for much less than Great Britain is willing to grant."— Arnold the 
Traitor A 

Arnold In New York City— His Address to the American People— His Procla- 
mation TO THE Officers and Soldiers op the American Army— Attempt to Kid- 
nap Him— His Wife Joins Him in New York. 

l^OTwiTHSTANDiNG the discovGiy and consequent utter 
fiiilure of the conspiracy between General Arnold and Sir 
Henry Clinton, by the arrest of Andre, Arnold, always san- 
guine in every enterprise he undertook, still entertained 
hopes of the final success of tlie Royal cause, and felt confi- 
dent that he could contribute largely to that success. 

He lost no time in preparing and issuing an address " To 
the Inhabitants of America," in which he undertook to ex- 
plain and justify his conduct. This address, the original of 
Avhich, in the handwriting of General Arnold, furnished by 
his grandson,'' is now before me, and I insert it here in full, 
on the principle that all persons, not excepting the worst 
criminals, are entitled to be heard in their own defense be- 
fore sentence is passed upon them: 

1. "The American colonies shall have their Parliament, comprised of two cham- 
bers, all its members of American birth. Those of the Upper House, with titles, 
similar to the House of Peers. All their laws, and particularly such as relate to 
money matters, shall be the production of this Assembly, wiih the concurrence of 
a Viceroy." — The Letter to Arnold attributed to Robinson. 

2. Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. I find no printed copy of this paper entirely 
accurate. 

(329) 



330 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

"To THE Inhabitants of America. 

" I should forfeib even in my own Opinion, the place I have so long 
held in yours, if I could be indifferent to your Approbation, and silent on 
the Motives which have induced me to join the King's Arms. 
• ** A very few words, however, shall suffice upon a Subject so personal, 
for to the thousands who suffer under the tyrann}'' of the Usurpers in the 
revolted Provinces, as well as to the great multitude who have long wished 
for its Subversion, this instance of my Conduct can want no Vindication, 
as to that class of Men who are Criminally protracting the War from 
Sinister Views, at the expense of the Public Interest, I prefer their 
Enmity to their applause. I am only, therefore. Concerned in this ad- 
dress to explain myself to such of my Countrymen as want Abilities or 
Opportunities to detect the Artifices by which they are duped. 

" Having fought by your side when the love of our Country animated 
our Arms, I shall expect from your Justice and Candor, what your 
deceivers, with more Art and less honesty, will find it inconsistent with 
their own Views to admit. 

" When I quitted Domestick happiness for the Perils of the Field, I 
conceived the rights of my Country in Danger, and that Duty and Honor 
called me to her Defence — a Redress of Grievances was my only Object 
and aim; however, I acquiesced in a step which I thought precipitate 
the Declaration of Independence; to Justify the measure many plausible 
reasons were urged, which could no longer exist, when Great Britain 
with the open arms of a Parent offered to embrace us as Children, and 
grant the wished for redress. 

" And now that her worst Enemies are in her own bosom, I should 
change my Principles, If I conspired with their Designs. Yourselves be- 
ing Judges, was the war the less Just, because Fellow Subjects were con- 
sidered as our Foes? You have fe't the torture in which we raised our 
arms against a Brother— God Incline the Guilty protractors of these un- 
natural Dissentions, to resign their Ambition, and Cease from their De- 
lusions, in Compassion to kindred blood. 

"I anticipate your question: was not the War a defensive one until 
the French Joined in the Combination? I answer, that I thought so. 
You will add, was it not afterwards necessary till the Separation of the 
British Empire was compleat? By no means; in Contending for the 
Welfare of my Country, I am free to declare my Opinion, that this End 
attained, all strife should have ceased. 

" I lamented therefore the Impolicy, tyranny, and Injustice, which 
with a Sovereign Contempt of the People of America, studiously neg- 
lected to take their Collective Sentiments of the British proposals of 
Peace, and to negotiate under a suspension of Arms, for an adjustment 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 331 

of differences, as a dangerous Sacrifice of the great Interest of this 
Country to the Partial Views of a Proud, Antient, and Crafty Foe. I 
had my suspicions of some imperfections in Our Councils, on Proposals 
prior to the Parliamentary Commission of 1778; but having then less to 
do in the Cabinet than the Field (I will not pronounce peremptorily as 
some may, and perhaps Justly, that Congress have veiled them from the 
Publick Eye), I continued to be guided in the negligent Confidence of a 
soldier. But the whole world saw, and all America confessed, the Over- 
tures of the Second Commission exceeded our wishes and exp3ctations. 
If there was any Suspicion of the National liberality, it arose from its 
excess. 

" Do any believe we were at that time really entangled by an Alliance 
with France? Unfortunate deception! and thus they have been duped 
by a virtuous Credulity, in the incautious moments of intemperate pas- 
sion, to give up their fidelity to serve a Nation counting both the will and 
the power to protect us, and aiming at the Destruction both of the Mother 
Country and the Provinces. In the Plainess of Common Sense, for I pre- 
tend to no Casuistry, did the pretended Treaty with the Court of Ver- 
sailles amount to more than an Overture to America? Certainly not, 
because no Authority had been given by the People to conclude it, nor to 
this very hour have they authorized its ratification — the Articles of Con- 
federation remain still unsigned. 

"In the firm persuasion, therefore, that the private Judgment of any 
Individual Citizen of this Country is as free from all Conventional Re- 
straints since, as before the Insidious offers of France, I preferred those 
from Great Britain, thinking it infinitely wiser and safer to cast my Confi- 
dence upon her Justice and Generosity, than to trust a Monarchy too 
feeble to establish your Independency, so Perilous to her distant Domin- 
ions, the Enemy of the Protestant Faith, and fraudulently avowing an 
affection for the liberties of mankind, while she holds her Native Sons 
in Vassalage and Chains. 

" I affect no disguise, and therefore Frankly declare that in these Prin- 
ciples, I had determined to retain my arms and Command for an oppor- 
tunity to surrender them to Great Britain, and in concerting the Measures 
for a purpose, in my Opinion, as grateful as it would have been beneficial 
to my Country; I was only solicitous to accomplish an event of decisive 
Importance, and to prevent, as much as possible in the Execution of it, 
the Effusion of blood. 

" With the highest satisfaction I bear testimony to my old Fellow Sol- 
diers and Citizens, that I find solid Ground to rely upon the Clemency of 
our Sovereign, and abundant Conviction that it is the generous Intention 
of Great Britain, not only to have the Rights and privileges of the Cole- 



332 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

nies unimpaired, tog^ether with tlieir perpetual exemption from taxation, 
but to superadd such further benefits as may consist with the Common 
prosperity of the Empire. In short, I fought for much less than the Pa- 
rent Countiy is as willing to grant to her Colonies, as they can be to 
receive or enjoy. 

*' Some may think I continued in the struggle of those unhappy days 
too long, and others that I quitted it too soon. To the first I reply, that 
I did not see with their Eyes, nor perhaps had so favorable a situation to 
look from, and that to one Common Master I am willing to stand or fall. 
In behall' of the Candid among the latter, some of whom I believe serve 
blindly but honestly in the Ranks I have left, I pray God to give them all 
the lights requisite to their Own Safety before it is too late; and with res- 
pect to that kind of Censurers whose Enmity to me Originates in their 
hatred to the Principles, by which Lam now led to devote my life to the 
Reunion of the British Empire, as the best and only means to dry up the 
streams of misery that have deluged this country, they may be assured 
that, Conscious of the Rectitude of my Intentions, I shall treat their 
Malice and Calumnies with Contempt and neglect. 

*'B. Arnold. 

"New York, Oct. 7th, 1780." 

A few days thereafter lie issued a proclamation " To the 
officers and soldiers of the Continental Army who have the 
real interests of their Country at heart and who are deter- 
mined to be no longer the dupes of Congress or of France." ^ 



"By 

"Brigadier General Arnold. 

" A Proclamation. 

"To the Officers and Soldiers of the Continental Army who have the real Interest 
of their Country at Heart, and who are determined to be no longer the Tools and 
Dupes of Congress, or of France. 

" Having Reason to believe that the Principles I have avowed, in my Address to 
ye Public of the 7th instant, animated ys greatest part of this Continent,! rejoice in 
the Opportunity I have of inviting you to join his Majesty's Arms. 

"His Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton, has authorized me to raise a Corps of Cavalry 
and Infantry, who are to be clothed, subsisted and paid as the other Corps are in 
the british Service, and those who bring in Horses, Arms, or Accoutrements, are to 
be paid their value, or have liberty to sell them. To every non-Commissioned 
Officer and Private a Bounty of three Guineas will be given, and as the Com- 
mander-in-Chief is pleased to allow me to nominate the officers. I shall with infinite 
Satisfaction embrace this Opportunity of advancing men whose valor I have wit- 
nessed, and whose Principles are favorable to an union with Britain and true 
Americau Liberty. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 333 

He announces to his former fellow-soldiers that Sir Henry 
Clinton had authorized him to raise a corps of cavalry and 
infantry, and he then goes on to state the inducements of- 
fered to those who will join him. He says: 

" As the Commander-in-Cliief is pleased to allow me to nominate the 
Officers, T shall with infinite satisfaction embrace this opportunity of ad- 
vancmg men whose valor I have witnessed, and whose principles are 
favorable to an union with Britain and true American liberty." 

.^, After alluding to the liberal pay and other inducements 

" The Rank they obtain in the King's service will bear a Proportion to their former 
Rank and ye Number of Men they bring with them. 

"It is expected that a Lieutenant-Colonel of Cavalry will bring with him or re- 
cruit in a reasonable time— "75 men. Major of Horse, 50 Men ; Lieut. Col. of Infant- 
ry, 75 Men; Captain of Horse, 30 Men ; Major of Infantry, 50 Men ; Lieut, of Horse, 
15 Men; Captain of Infantry, 30 Men; Cornet of Horse, 12 Men; Lieutenant of In- 
fantry, 15 Men; Sergeant of Horse 6 Men; Ensign of Infantry, 12 Men ; Sergeant of 
Infantrj', 6 Men. 

"N. B. Each Field Officer will have a Company. Great as this Encouragement 
must appear to such as have suffered every Distress, of Want, of Pain, Hunger and 
Nakedness, from the Neglect, Contempt and Corruption of Congress, they are noth- 
ing to the Motives which I expect will influence the brave and generous Minds I 
hope to have the Honor to command, and I wish to have a Chosen Band of Ameri- 
cans to ye Attainment of Peace, Liberty, and Safety (that first object in taking the 
Field) and with them to share in the glory of rescuing our native Country from the 
grasping Hand of France as well as from the ambitious and interested Views of a 
desperate Party among ourselves, who, in listening to Frencli Overtures, and 
rejecting those from Great Britain, have brought ye Colonies to ye very Brink of 
Destruction. 

•'Friends, fellow Soldiers, and Citizens, arouse and judge for yourselves— reflect 
on what you have lost— consider to what you are reduced, and by your Courage 
repel the Ruin that still threatens you. 

•' Your Country once was happy, and had the proffered Peace been embraced, your 
last two years of Misery had been spent in Peace and Plenty, and repairing the 
Desolations of a Quarrel that would have set ye Interest of Great Britain and 
America in its true Light, and cemented their Friendship ; whereas, you are now 
the Prey of Avarice, the scorn of your Enemies, and ye Pity of your Friends. 

"You were promised Liberty by ye Leaders of your affairs, but is there an indi- 
vidual in ye Enjoyment of it, saving ycur Oppressors? Who among you dare speak 
or write what he thinks, against the Tyranny Avhich has robbed you of your Prop- 
erty, imprisons your Persons, drags you to ye Field of Battle, and is daily deluging 
your Country with your Blood. 

" You Avere flattered with Independence as preferable to a Redress of Grievances, 
and for that Shadow, instead of real Felicity, are sunk into all y* Wretchedness of 
Poverty by the Rapacity of your own Rulers. Already are you disqualified to imp- 
port ye Pride of Character they taught you to aim at, and must inevitably shortly 
belong to one or other of the great Powers, their folly and wickedness have drawn 



331 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

offered *•' to such as liave suffered every distress of want, 
pain, Imnger and nakedness, from the neglect and cor- 
ruption of Congress," he says, speaking of these considera- 
tions: 

"They are nothing- to the motives which I expect will influence the 
brave and generous minds I hope to have the honor to Command. I 
wish to have a chosen band of Americans to ye attainment of peace, lib- 
erty and safety, that first object in taking ye field, and with them to 
share in the glory of rescuing our native Country from the grasping 
hand of France, as well as from the ambitious and interested Views of a 
desperate party among ourselves, who in listening to French Overtures, 
and rejecting those from Great Britain, have brought ye Colonies to the 
very brink of destruction. I, therefore, only add my promise of the most 
affectionate welcome and attention to all who are disposed to join me, in 
the measures necessary to close the scene of our afflictions. With ye res- 
toration of our ancient priviledges, civil and sacred, and a perpetual 
exemption from all taxes but such as we shall see fit to impose upon our- 
selves.'' 

into Conflict. Happy for you that you may still become the fellow subjects of Great 
Britain, if you nobly disdain to be Vasals of France. 

" What is America but a Land of Widows, Beggars, and Orphans?— and should the 
Parent Nation cease her Exertion to deliver you. what security remains to you for 
theenjoyment of ye Consolations of that Religion for which your Fathers braved 
the Ocean, ye Heathen, and j-e Wilderness? To yon know that the Ej-e which 
guides this pen lately saw your mean and profligate Congress at Mass for the soul • 
of a Roman Catholic in purgatory, and participating in the rights of a Church 
against whose Anti-christian ( orruptions your pious Ancestors would have wit-- 
nessed with their Blood. 

" As to you who have been Soldiors in the Confncntnl Army, canyon at this Day 
want Evidence that the Funds of your Country are exhausted, or that the Managers 
have applyed them to their own private Uses? In either case you surely can con- 
tinue no longer in their Service with Honor or Advantage ; yet you have hitherto 
been their Supporters of that Cruelty, which, with an equal Indifference to your, as 
well as to the Labor and Blood of others, is devouring a Country, which ye moment 
you quit their Colours, will be redeemed from their Tyranny. 

"But what Need of Arguments to such as feel infinitely more Misery than Lan- 
guage can express? I therefore only add my Promise of ye most aflfectionate Wel- 
come and Attention to all who are disposed to joyn me in the Measures necessary 
to close the scene of our afflictions, whicli intolerable as they are, must continue to 
increase untill We have the Wisdom (shewn of late by Ireland) in being contented 
with ye Liberality of the Parent Country, who still offers her Protection, with ye 
immediate Restoration of our ancient Privileges, civil and Sacred, and a perpetual 
Exemption from all Taxes, but such as we shall think fit to impose on ourselves. 

"B. Arnold. 

"New Yoek, October 20, 1780." 



HIS PATEIOTIS]M AND HIS TREASON. S35 

Sncli was Arnold's anxious bnt clisingeniions defense, and 
sncli his impassioned appeal to liis late fellow soldiers to 
join liim. 

^' I fouglit for much less," sajs he, "than the Parent 
Country is willing to grant." 

Most of his countrymen read his address wdth scorn and 
derision, and all that can be said now, when prejudice and 
feeling are beginning to pass away, and when candid men 
are disposed by his wrongs and his heroism to consider fa- 
vorably every circumstance, the most they can say is, that 
while his conduct was in the highest degree culpable, and 
his guilt clear, yet giving him the benefit of a doubt, it is 
possible that, led astray by his WTongs and his passions, he 
may at times have tried to deceive himself into the belief 
that he was justifiable. 

His efforts to induce the soldiers of the Continental army 
to desert, met with no considerable success. However severe 
their sufferings, and however hard their treatment, no con- 
sideration could induce them to desert their flag. There 
were indeed a considerable number of loyal Americans, to- 
ri es and refugees, and from these Arnold succeeded in 
organizing his corps. The American reader of Sabine's 
Loyalists is often surprised by his representations of the 
number and respectability of those who adhered to the 
Crown.' 

Lord George Germain, the British minister for the Colo- 
nies, wrote to Arnold, confirming the rank of brigadier- 
general, conferred upon him by Sir LTenry Clinton, and giv- 

1. Sabine says, Vol. I, p. 48: " The examination * * * leads to the conclusion 
that the number of our Countrymen who wished to continue their connection with 
the mother country was very large." The Loyalists in nearly everj' colony claimed 
a majority, but that they were mistaken, he thinks, is certain. A considerable portion 
of the learned iirofessions adhered to the crown. He estimates that the number 
of Loyalists who took up arms for the King, "were 25,000 at the lowest computa- 
tion." (Sabine Vol. I, p. 70 ) This estimate surprises me, and is far more than I had 
supposed, but Sabine's judgment on the subject is entitled to great respect. 



o 



36 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 



ing the sanction of the government to the authority which 
had been conferred upon him to raise a corps of loyal Amer- 
icans. He also said: 

"His Majesty was graciously pleased to express liis satisfaction in 
the demonstration you have given of the sincerity of your allegiance, 
and of your earnest desire to atone for past errors, by a zealous attach- 
ment to his royal person and government in future." 

Meanwhile, such was the indignation towards Arnold in 
the American army and among the people, that rewards 
were offered for his capture, and a project was devised to 
kidnap and bring him within the American lines for exe- 
cution. On the 16th of October, Major Lee wrote to 
Washington saying: " I have engaged two persons to 
undertake the accomplishment of your Excellency's 
wishes " * 

"The outlines of the scheme which I have recommended, 
are, that the sergeant (Champe) should join General Arnold 
as a deserter from ns, should engage in his corps now raising; 
should contrive to insinuate himself into some menial or 
military birth about the General's person; that a corres- 
pondence should be kept up with the man in E'ewark 
(a confederate), by the latter's visiting the former every two 
days, and that when the favorable moment arrives, they 
should seize the prize in the night, gag him, and bring him 
across to Bergen "Woods. 

"If your Excellency approves, the sergeant will desert to- 
morrow — a few guineas will be necessary, &c." ^ 

To which Washington replied, approving the scheme, 
and furnishing the guineas, with the express stijDulation tliat 
Arnold should be brought to him alive. 

" No circumstance whatever shall obtain my consent to his being put 
to death. The idea that would accompany such an act would be that rufii- 

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 545. 

2. Lee to Washington. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 546. 



Ills PATHIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 337 

ans had been hired to assassinate him. My aim is to make a public exam- 
ple of him." ' 

On tlie 21st of October, tlie sergeant, Jolm Cliampe, de- 
serted Lee's command, readied the British lines, treacher- 
ously enlisted into the corps Arnold was raising. He had the 
cnnnino^ and address to " insinuate himself" into a berth or 
employment about that officer's person, and every arrange- 
ment was made to kidnap Arnold at night, in a garden in 
the rear of the house he occupied, to gag him, carry him to 
a boat, and across the Hudson, and deliver him to Lee to 
be made "a public example of." Lee, on the night ap- 
pointed, repaired with three of his dragoons, and led horses 
to the woods of Hoboken, in New Jersey, opposite New 
York, and waited some hours to receive the captive. 

But OH the night in which the conspiracy was to be exe- 
cuted, Arnold removed his quarters, and the project failed. 

Had Arnold been captured in battle his execution would 
have been summar}^ and prompt, and by his own treacher- 

1. The following is the text of Washington's letter— (Writings of Washington, 
Vol. VII, 54C-7) : 

" Head Quarters, 20 October, 1780. 

" Dear Sir:— The plan proposed for taking A , the outlines of which are com- 
municated in your letter, which was this moment put into my hands without a 
date, has every mark of a 'good one. I therefore agree to the promised rewi-irds, 
and have such entire confidence in your management of the business, us to give it 
my fullest approbation; and leave the whole to the guidance of your own jucl;;- 
ment, with this express sti] ulation and pointed injunction, that he (Ar— d) is 
brought to me alive. No circumstance whatever shall obtain my consent to his being 
put to death. The idea which would accompany such an event would be that 
ruffians had been hired to assassinate him. My aim is to make a public example 
of him ; & this should be strongly impressed upon those who are employed to bring 
him oft". The sergeant must be very circumspect; too much zeal may create sus- 
picion, and too much precipitancy may defeat the project. The most inviolable 
fccrecy must be observed on all hands. I send you five guineas, but I am not sat- 
isfied of the propriety of the Sergeant's appearing Avith much specie. This circum- 
stance may also lead to suspicion, as it is but too well known to the enemy, thai: 
we do not abound in this article. The interviews between the party in & out of the 
city should be managed with much caution & seeming indifference or else the fre- 
quency of their meetings may betray the design and involve bad consequences; 
but I am persuaded you will place every matter in a proper point of view to the 
conductors of this interesting business, and therefore I shall only add that 

" I am, dear Sir, &c." 
22 



338 LIFE OF BEiS^EDICT ARNOLD. 

ous conduct at West Point he was estopped from complain- 
ing of any falsehood or treachery practiced npon him. But 
would it not have been more in accordance with our highest 
ideal of Washinirton — an ideal of almost immaculate nobil- 
ity and excellence — if this kidnapping and gagging busi- 
ness, a scheme to be accomplished by treachery and breach 
of trust, had been left entirely to the provost-marshal?' 

In "Washington's instructions to LaFayette, when the lat- 
ter w^as sent to Virginia to act against Arnold, he was told, 
''You are to do no act whatever with Arnold that directly 
or by implication may screen him from the punishment 
due to his treason and desertion, which if he should fall into 
your hands, you will execute in the most summary way.""'' 

On the 27th of October, as before stated, the authorities 
of Pennsylvania passed a resolution requiring Mrs. Arnold 
to leave that State within fourteen days, and forbidding her 
return during the war, and soon after she joined her hus- 
band in Mie city of I^ew York. She would have remained 
longer with her father and friends in Philadelphia but for 
this resolution. 

Judging from the tone and character of all her letters, 

1. Perhaps from an American stand-point, even this criticism may be thought 
over-nice. Arnold was, totlie army he had deserted, an outlnio ; and a sanction of 
the proposed abduction of higher authority than that of Sir Walter Scott might be 
found, when he says : 

" The beast of game, 
The privilege of chase may claim. 
***** 

Though space, and law the stag we lend, 

E'er hound we slip, or bow we bend, 

Who ever recked, where, how, or when 

The prowling fox was trapped or slain?" 
But Arnold, however execrable his conduct at West Point, had not acted like the 
" prowling Fox " at Ridgefield or at Saratoga. Arnold's conduct would justify the 
most summary punishment from his comrades, had he been captured. But the 
question is, whether we would not rather have given him " the privilege of chase :" 
and if he was to be treacherously kidnapped, whether we would n^t rather the 
plan should have been devised and executed by the Provost Marshal? 

2. Washington to LaFayette, Feb. 2uth, 17S1. ' Writings of Washington,' Vol. 
VII. p. 419. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 339 

and her devoted affection for General Arnold, I do not 
doubt that she wonld have joined him at an early period 
without snch resolution. She was not one to abandon a 
friend or relation, much less a husband in misfortune, even 
although that misfortune was the result of guilt. 

Hamilton, writing to Miss Schuyler, speaking of Mrs. 
Arnold, says: "Her horror at tlie guilt of the traitor is lost 
in her love of the man.-' Indeed, it is clear from her con- 
duct, and her letters to her father, hereafter to be quoted, 
that her husband never ceased to be the hero of her vouno: 
imagination. On her way to 'New York, as well as in Phila- 
delphia, she had abundant and painful evidence of the pop- 
ular indignation against him. The populace of Philadelphia 
had burned liis effigy with every possible indignity, and on 
her journey to New York with her young child, night over- 
took her, and she stopped at a village where preparations had 
been made to repeat the indignity, but when she appeared 
with her infant, her sad face, her sorrowful air, her gentle- 
ness, her beauty, so touched the hearts of the people, that 
with a delicacy and consideration honorable to the American 
character, they postponed the exhibition until after her de- 
parture. On her arrival in New York shewas w^elcomed by 
many old friends among the British officers and their fami- 
lies, who had been the guests of her father in Philadelphia 
while that city was held by the Poyal army, yet her sadness 
and melancholy was the subject of remark and sympathy. 
Gradually, however, in the society of her husband, and the 
company of her child, and the kind and affectionate atten- 
tions of her friends, she recovered her spirits, and her beauty 
and her grace made her there, as she had been in her native 
town, the favorite among the best and most cultured circles 
of that city. 

Arnold's explanation of his conduct and motives, as ex- 
pressed in his address to his countrymen and proclamation 



340 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

to tlie soldiers of the army in wliicli lie had lately served, 
while they were received and read, as has been stafed, with 
indignation and scorn by the American people and his old 
comrades, w^as generally accepted as satisfactory by the Brit- 
ish officers, and by the large number of loyalists then con- 
gregated in the city of New York. They looked upon the 
act as a return to his allegiance. 

To understand this, one must go back and try to realize 
the views of the officers and adherents of the Crown. 

The Colonies took up arms to obtain a redress of griev- 
ances, disavowing at first, with indignation, that their pur- 
pose was seyjaration and independence. 

Even John Adams said, after the war was over, " there 
was not a moment during the Revolution when I would not 
have given everj^thing I possessed for a restoration to the 
state of things before the contest began, provided we could 
have had a sufficient security for its continuation." ^ The 
leaders of the devolution have been canonized, and they 
merited all the honors they have received, for they were 
among the noblest patriots that ever lived, but like other 
men they were mortal and subject to like frailties. The 
American Loyalists were not all of them deserving of dam- 
nation. The student of history will find some names of 
men of high personal character and of culture; and many 
who, but for political differences, would have been consid- 
ered ornaments to any State. Such were some of the Went- 
w^orths of New Hampshire; the Fairfaxes and Robinsons 
of Yirginia; Dana and Coffin and Prescott, of Massachu- 
setts; Ogden and Governor Franklin, of New Jersey (son 
of Dr. Franklin); The Crngars, some of the DeLancys, and 
DePeysters, Yan Schaacks, Clintons and Jays, of New York; 
and it was among men of this class that Arnold was now 
thrown, some of whom were much more likely to condemn 

1. Sabine's Loyalists, Vol. I, p. 64. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 341 

liim for liis delay in joining the British army than for join- 
ing it wlien he did. Still few, if any, honorable British 
soldier or upright loyalist could, even from their stand- 
point, justify his desertion, and especially the manner of 
his change from the American to the British side. 

It is not impossible, had the conspiracy been successful, 
that independence might have been postponed. In the 
light of to-day, and with the wonderful advance, and the 
brilliant record our country has made, all will rejoice in the 
failure of the conspiracy; and all can realize how greatly our 
country has been beneiited by the success of the Kevolu- 
tion: — as colonies that advance would have been greatly re- 
tarded. 

Had Great Britain succeeded in re-establishing her su- 
premacy, taught by experience, she probably would have 
been wisely moderate, and permitted to the Colonies sub- 
stantial self-government. The men of culture and wealth, 
the men of the learned professions, who, Sabine says, to a 
considerable extent adhered to the Crown, uniting wdth the 
more conservative part of the revolutionary party, of whom 
"\Vashington, Hamilton, Jay, and many of the old Federal 
])arty were representatives, as against those represented by 
Thomas Paine and Jefferson, and the more radical and ex- 
treme democrats, might for a time at least have influenced, 
probably controlled, affiirs, and the blessings and evils of 
extreme democracy and universal suffrage might have been 
delayed. 

It is not impossible that institutions modeled more upon 
the views of Hamilton might have been Anally adopted. 

The first century of our existence as a nation, in the hap- 
piness and prosperity of the people, will compare favorably 
with that of any other, and thus far we have good reason to 
be well satisfied with our institutions, and profoundly grate- 
ful to those who achieved our independence and established 
our national government. 



CHAPTEE XIX. 

ARNOLD LEADS BRITISH SOLDIERS AGAINST HIS NATIVE 

COUNTRY. 

" He felt how faint and feebly dim 

The fame that could accrue to him 

Who cheered the band and waved the SAVord— 

A Traitor in a lurbaned horde." 

Arnold Leads an Expedition against Vieginia and Connecticut— Massacre 
AT Fort Griswold— Arnold's Narrow Escape froji Death by the Hands of 
A Woman at New London. 

When General Arnold accepted the commission of King 
George in 1780, he was thirty-nine and his wife twenty-one 
years of age. 

lie had four sons then living. Benedict about twelv^e, 
Hichard about eleven, and Henry, eight years of age — child- 
ren by his first wife, and an infant, Edward Shippen, by his 
second wife. 

Two months after his arrival in I^ew York, restless and 
eager to take the field, he sought and obtained the command 
of an expedition composed of about 1,600 men, against Vir- 
ginia. He sailed from Xew York about the 20th of Decem- 
ber, 1780. A violent gale separated the fleet on which the 
troops were embarked, but the scattered vessels gathered 
near the Capes of the Chesapeake, and on the 30th of Decem- 
ber, he, with the fleet, entered ♦Hampton Roads, except one- 
armed ship and three transports, with upwards of four hun- 

(342) 



HIS PATRIOTISM AjS^D HIS TEEASON. 343 

dred troops, which did not arrive until several days after. 
Without waiting for the arrival of the missing transports, 
witli his usual activity, Arnold pushed up the James River, 
and on the 3d of elanuary he anchored near Jamestown, 
and the next day proceeded to Westover, where he landed, 
and with about eight liundred troops marched into Rich- 
mond, destroying all public property, and all such jDrivate 
property as might be useful in carrying on the war; mak 
ing his headquarters at the old City Tavern on Main street. 
Before setting fire to the warehouses, he sent a proposition 
to Jefferson, Governor of the State, offering to spare the 
town and warehouses on condition the British ships should 
be permitted to come np vmmolested and carry away the 
tobacco and stores. The Governor promptly rejected the 
proposition, and the torch was applied, and it is said there 
never was such a smell of tobacco in Richmond, before nor 
since, down to the time of the burning of that city in 1865, 
on its evacuation by Jefferson Davis. 

This accomplished, and the foundries and magazines at 
"Westham having been also destroyed, he retired down the 
river, landed, and marched to Portsmouth, where he threw 
up entrenchments for his winter camp.' 

During the winter, Washington, in conjunction w^ith the 
French, sent a powerful force under LaFayette to attempt 
liis capture, and very strong ho23es were entertained by the 
American commander that he would succeed in seizing him 
before reinforcements could arrive from New York. On 
the 26th of March he w^s strengthened by the arrival of 
General Phillips with additional troops, and General Phillips 
out-ranking him, took command. The following is the 
report of General Arnold to Sir Henry Clinton, giving the 
detail of his further operations in Virginia: 

1. Expedition of LaFayette against Arnold, by J. Austin Stephens. 



844 LIFE OF EEXEDICT AENOLD. 

^ "Peteesburgh, May 16, 1781. 

" I am extremely sorry to inform your Excellency that Major-General 
Phillips is reduced so low by a fever, which seized him on the 2nd instant, 
that he is incapable of business, and the physicians are not without fears 
for his safely. In this situation I think it my duty to transmit to your 
Excellency, by express, a detail of the proceedinors of the army under the 
Orders of Major-General Phillips since they left Portsmouth (which his 
indisposition prevented him from doing as he intended). 

"On the ISth of April the light infantry, part of the 76th and 80th regi- 
ments, the Queen's Rangers, Yagers, and American legion, embarked at 
Portsmouth, and fell down to Hampton Roads; on the 19th pro- 
ceeded up James River to Burwell's Ferry; on the 20th Lieut. 
Col. Abercrombie with the light infantry, proceeded up the Chick- 
ahominy in boats ; Lieut. Col. Simcoe, with a detachment to York; Lieut. 
Col. Dundas, with another detachment landed at the mouth of the Chick- 
ahominy; and Major-General Phillips and my.-elf landed with part of the 
army at Williamsburgh, where about 500 militia were posted, who re- 
tired upon our approach. The militia at York crossed the river before 
the arrival of Lieut. Col. Simcoe, who made a few prisoners, spiked and 
destroyed some cannon, and next day returned to Williamsburgh. 

" On the 22nd the troops marched to ChicAahominy. We were met on the 
road, five miles from the mouth of the river, by Lieut. Col. Dundas, with 
his detachment. This evening the troops, cavalry, artillery, &c., were 
reimbarked. The next morning we were joined by Lieut. Col. Aber- 
crombie, with the light infantry, who had been ten or twelve miles up the 
Chickahominy, and destroyed several armed ships, the State ship yards, 
warehouses, &c. 

" At ten o'clock the fleet weighed, and proceeded up the James river, 
within four miles of Westover. 

" The 24th, weighed anchor at eleven, and ran up to City Point, where 
the troops, &c., were all landed at six in the evening. 

"The 25th, marched at ten o'clock for Petersburg!!, where we arrived 
about five p. m. We were opposed about one mile from town by a body 
of militia under the orders of Brigadier General Muhlenberg, supposed to 
be about one thousand men, who were soon obliged to retire over the 
bridge with the loss of near one hundred men killed and wounded, as we 
have since been informed : our loss only one man killed and ten 
wounded. The enemy took up the bridge, which prevented our pursu- 
ing them. 

" 26th. Destroyed at Fetersburgh four thousand hogsheads of tobacco, 

1. Extractor Brigadier General Arnold's letter to Sir Henry Clinton, copied 
from The London Chronicle, June 23, 2G, 1781; Vol. XLIX, p. COl. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 345 

one ship and a number of small vessels on the stocks and in the river. 

"27th. Major General Phillips, with the hght infantry, part of the 
cavalry of the Queen's Rangers, and a part of the Yagers, marched to 
Chesterfield Court House, where they burnt a range of barracks for two 
thousand men, and three hundred barrels of flour, <fec. 

"The same day I marched to Osborn's with the 76th a.nd 80th regi- 
ments, Queen's Rangers, part of the Yagers, and American Legion, 
where we arrived about noon. Finding the enemy had a very considera- 
ble force of ships four miles above Osborn's, drawn up in a line to oppose 
us, I sent a flag to the Commodore, proposing to treat with him for the 
surrender of his fleet, which he refused, with this answer, "that he was 
determined to defend it to the last extremity." I immediately ordered 
down two six and two three-pounders, brass field pieces, to a bank of the 
river, nearly level with the water, and within one hundi-ed yards of the 
Tempest, a twenty gun State ship, which began immediately to fire upon 
us, as did the Renown, of twenty-six guns, the Jefferson, a State brigan- 
tine of fourteen guns, and several other armed ships and brigantines. 
About two or three hundred militia on the opposite shore, at the same 
time kept up a heavy fire of musquetry upon us: notwithstanding which, 
the fire of the artillery, under the direction of Captain Fage and Lieut. 
Rogers, took such eff'ect, that the ships were soon obliged to strike their 
colours, and the militia drove from the opposite shore. Want of boats, 
and the wind blowing hard, prevented cur capturing many of the sea- 
men, who took to their boats, and escaped on shore; but not without first 
scuttling and setting fire to some of their ships, which could not be 
saved. 

"Two ships, three brigantines, five sloops, and two schooners, loaded 
with tobacco, cordnge, flour, &c., fell into our hands. 

" Four ships, five brigantines, and a number of small vessels were sunk 
and burnt. On board the whole fleet (none of which escaped) were ta- 
ken and destroyed about two thousand hogsheads of tobacco, &c., &c., &c. , 
and very fortunately we had not a man killed or wounded this day : but 
have reason to believe the enemy suffered considerably. About five 
o'clock P. M. we were joined by Major-General Phillips, with the light 
infan ry. 

"28th. The troops remained at Osborn's, waiting for boats from the 
fleet; part of them were employed in securing the prizes, and carrying 
them to Osborn's as a place of safety. 

" 29th. The boats having arrived, the troops were put in motion. Ma- 
jor-General Phillips marched with the main body; at the same time I 
proceeded up the river with a detachment in boats, and met him between 
( ary's Mills and Warwick. 



346 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

"30th. The troops marched to Manchester, and destroyed twelve hun- 
dred hogsheads of tobacco. The Marquis de Im Fayette having arrived 
with his'army at Richmond, opposite to Manchester, the day before, and 
being joined by the miUtia, driven from Petersburgh and Williamsburgh, 
they were spectators of the conflagration, without attempting to molest us. 
The same evening we returned to Warwick, where we destroyed a maga- 
zine of 500 barrels of flour, and Colonel Cary's fine mills were destroyed 
in burning the magazine of flour. We also burnt several warehouses, 
with one hundred and fifty hogsheads cf tobacco, a large ship and abrig- 
antine afloat, and three vessels on the stocks, a large range of public rope- 
walks and store houses, and some tan and bark houses full of hides and 
bark. 

" May 1st. Marched to Osborn's and despatched our^prizes and boats 
down the river; and in the evening marched to Bermuda Hundreds, op- 
posite City Point. 

" May 2nd. Embarked the troops, &c., ^c. 

" May ord. Fell down the river to Westover. 

" May 4th. Proceeded down to Tappaliannock. 

"5th and 6th. Part of the fleet fell down to Hog Island. 

" 7th. Major-General Phillips having received a letter from Lord Corn- 
wallis, orders were given for the fleet to return up the river again. We 
arrived at Brandon about 5 o'clock, and most of the troops, cavalry, &c., 
were landed this evening, though it blew a gale of wind. 

" May 8th. Remained at Brandon; Major-General Phillips being very 
ill, and unable to travel on horseback, a post chaise was procured for 
him. 

" May 9th. The light infantry and part of th(; Queen's Rangers, in 
boats, were ordered, with the Formidable and Spitfire, to prcceed to City 
Point, and land there. Tlie rest of the Army was put in motion for Pe- 
tersburgh, where they arrived late in the night, having marched near 
thirty miles this day. 

" On our leaving Bermuda Hundreds, and going down the river, the 
Marquis de LaFayette with his army moved towards Williamsburgh, 
and by forced marches had crossed the Chickahominy at Long Bridge, 
when our fleet returned to Brandon; which retrograde motion of ours 
occasioned him to return as rapidly by forced marches to Osborn's, where 
he arrived the 8th, and was preparing to cross the river to Petersburg, 
when we arrived there, which was so unexpected, that we surprised and 
took two Majors (one of them Aid-de-Camp to Baron Steuben, the other 
to General SmallwoDd), one Captain, and three lieutenants of dragoons; 
two lieutenants of foot; a commissary and a surgeon; som^ of these gen- 
tlemen arrived only two hours before us, with an intention of collecting 
the boats for the Marquis to cross his Army. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 347 

" On the 10th the Marquis made his appearance on the opposite side of 
the river with a strong- escort, and having staid some time to reconnoitre 
our army, returned to his camp at Osborn's, and we are this day informed 
he is marched to Richmond, where it is said Wayne with the Pennsylva- 
nia line has arrived; this is, however, uncertain; but he is certainly ex- 
pected there. 

" An express passed through this place the day before our arrival here. 
who left Halifax on the 7th, and informed that the advance of Lord Corn- 
wallis's army arrived there that morning; this report we have from sev- 
eral quarters, and I am inclined to believe it is true. Several expresses 
have been sent to his Lordship, informing him of our being here ready to 
co-operate with his Lordship. We are in anxious expectation of having 
particular intelligence from him every minute. 

'* As soon as it is reduced to a certainty that Lord Cornwallis has crossed 
the Roanoke, and is on his march for this place, the army will advance 
one or two days' march from hence to meet his Lordship, and carry a sup- 
ply of provisions for his army. 

" A considerable number of magazines of flour and bread have fallen into 
our hands near this place, and the country abounds with cattle. 

" Major- General Phillips is so weak and low that it will be some consid- 
erable time before he can go through the fatigue of business. Li this 
critical situation I am happy to have the assistance of so many good and 
experienced otficers with me commanding corps. If joined by Cornwal- 
lis, or the reinforcement said to be coming from New York, we shall be 
in force to operate as we please in Virginia or Maryland. 

" I have the honor to be, &c., 
"(Signed,) B. Aknold." 

General Phillips was one of the officers captured with 
Burgoyiie at Saratoga, and died very soon after tJie date of 
Arnold's report. 

It was during this expedition that General Arnold 
inquired of a captain of the patriot army wlio had been 
taken prisoner: "AYhat would be my fate, if /should be 
taken prisoner? " 

" They will cut off," replied the captain, " that shortened 
leg of yours wounded at Quebec and at Saratoga, and bury 
it with all the honors of war, and then hang the rest of you 
on a gibbet." 

While in Virginia Governor Jefferson offered a reward 



o 



48 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEIs^OLD. 



of 5,000 guineas to any one who would capture Arnold. 
In June, 1781, he returned to the city of I^ew York, where 
Mrs. Arnold had remained during his absence, and where, 
on the 2Tth of August, she gave birth to tlieir second son, 
named James Eobertson, and w4io lived to attain the rank 
of Lieutenant-General in the British army, and to serve as 
military aid of the King. Arnold's return to I^ew York 
removed him from the impending conflict between "Wash- 
ington and Cornwallis. 

Earl 3^ in September, notwithstanding the delicate condi- 
tion of his wife, among strangers and with an infant but a 
few days old, he was compelled to leave her, and lead an 
expedition against his native State. At "New London, in 
Connecticut, was deposited a large quantity of public stores, 
feebly defended by Forts Trumbull and Griswold. Arnold 
was selected to command because of his familiarity with the 
localities, but it was a severe trial of his fidelity to his new 
friends, to send him at such a time at the head of this expe- 
dition. The massacre, so-called, at Fort Grisw^old, was one 
of the most tragic incidents of the war, and is a sad chapter 
of this gloomy period in Arnold's history. 

To what extent he was responsible for the burning of the 
town, and the destruction of life in the Fort, is a contro- 
verted question. That he did not prevent these acts is at 
least clear, and he certainly ought, if possible, to have taken 
such measures as would have prevented them. 

I give his own report, and the testimony in his favor of 
the British Commander, and then the statement of the trans- 
action by General Heath, of the American army. * 

" Sound, off Plumb Island, Sept. 3, 1781. 
* ' Sir : I have the honor to inform your Excellency that the transports mth 
the cletachment of troops under my orders, anchored on the Long- Island 
shore, on the 5th instant, at two o'clock P. M., about ten leagues from 

1. Copy of a letter from Brigadier General Arnold to his Excellency, the Com- 
mander in-Chief, extracted from ' The London Chronicle,' Nov. S-iJ, 1781, p. i'67. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TUEASOX. 349 

New London; and having- made some necessary arrangements, weig-lied 
anchor at 7 o'clock P. M., and stood for New London with a fair wind. 
At one o'clock the next morning, we arrived off the harbour, when the 
wind suddenly shifted to the northward, and it was nine o'clock before 
the transports could beat in. At ten o'clock, the troops in two divisions, 
and in four debarkations, were landed: one on each side the harbour, 
about three miles irom New London; that on the Groton side, consisting- 
of the 40th and 54th regiments, and the 3rd battalion of New Jersey 
Volunteers, with a detachment of Yagers and artillery, were under the 
command of Lieut. Col. Eyre. The division on the New London side 
consisted of the 38th regiment, the Loyal Americans, the American 
Legion, Refugees, and a detachment of sixty Yagers, who were immedi- 
ately on landing put in motion: and at eleven o'clock, being within half 
a mile of Fort Trumbull, which commands New London ha.rbour, I de- 
tached Captain Millet with four companies of the 3Sth regiment to attack 
the fort, who was joined on his march by Captain Prink with one com- 
pany of the American Legion. At the same time I advanced with the 
remainder of the division, west of Port Trumbull, on the road to the 
town, to attack a redoubt which had kept up a brisk fire upon us for some 
time, but which the enemy evacuated upon our approach. In this work we 
found six pieces of cannon mounted, and two dismounted: soon after I 
had the pleasure to see Captain Millet march into Port Trumbull under 
a shower of grape shot from a number of cannon, which the enemy had 
turned upon him; and I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency, that, 
by the sudden attack and determined bravery of the troops, the fort was 
carried with the loss of only four or five men killed and wounded. Cap- 
tain Millet had orders to leave one company in Fort Trumbull, to detach 
one to the redoubt we had taken, and to join me with the other two com- 
panies. No time on my part was lost in gaining the town of New Lon- 
don. We were opposed by a small body of the enemy with one field 
piece, which being iron, was spiked and left. 

" As soon as the enemy were alarmed in the morning, we could perceive 
they were busily employed in bending sails, and endeavouring to get their 
privateers and other ships at Norwich river, out of our reach ; but the 
wind being small, and the tide against them, they were obliged to anchor 
again. From information I received before and after my landing, I had 
reason to believe that Port Griswold, on Groton side, was very incom- 
plete; and I was assured (by friends to government) after my landing, 
that there were only twenty or thirty men in the fort, the inhabitants in 
general being on board their ships, and busy in saving their property. 
On taking possession of Port Trumbull, I found the enemy's ships would 
escape, unless we could possess ourselves of Fort Griswold; I therefore 



350 LIFE OF BETs^EDICT AKXOLD. 

dispatched an Officer to Lientenat Colonel Eyre, with the intelligence I 
had received, and requested him to make an attack upon the fort as soon 
as possible; at which time I expected the howitzer was up, and would 
have been made use of. 

" On my gaining a height of ground in the rear of New London, from 
which I had a good prospect of FortGriswold, I found it much more for- 
midable than I expected, or than I had formed an idea of from the infor- 
mation I had before received; I observed at the same time, that the men 
who had escaped from Fort Trumbull had crossed in boats and thrown 
themselves into Fort Griswold, and a favorable wind springing up about 
this time, the enemy's ships were escaping up the river, notwithstanding 
the fire from Fort Trumbull, and a six pounder which I had with me. I 
immediately dispatched a boat with an officer to Lieut. Col. Eyre, to 
countermand my first orders to attack the fort, but the officer arrived a 
few minutes too late. 

" Lieutenant Col. Eyre had sent Captain Beckwith with a fllag to de- 
mand a surrender of the fort, which was peremptorily refused, and the 
attack had commenced. After a most obstinate defense of near forty 
minutes, the fort was carried by the superior bravery and perseverance of 
the assailants. The attack was judicious and spirited, and reflects the 
highest honor on the officers and troops engaged, who seemed to vie with 
each other in being first in danger. The troops approached on three 
sides of the work, which was a square with flanks, made a lodgement in 
the ditch, and under a heavy fire, which they kept up on the works, 
effected a second lodgment on the friezing, which was attended with 
great difficulty, as only a few pickets could be forced out or broken in a 
place, and was so high that the soldiers could not ascend without assist- 
ing each other. Here the coolness and bravery of the troops were very 
conspicuous — as the first who ascended the frieze were obliged to silence 
a nine-pounder, which infiladed the place on which they stood, until a 
sufficient body had collected to enter the works, which was done 
with fixed bayonets through the embrazures, where they were opposed 
with great obstinacy by the garrison with ^ong spears. On this occasion 
I have to regret the loss of Major Montgomery, who was killed by a spear 
in entering the enemy's works; also of Ensign Whillock, of the 40th 
regiment, who was killed in the attack. Three other officers of the same 
regiment were wounded. Lieutenant Colonel Eyre and three other offi- 
cers of the 54th regiment were also wounded, but I have the satisfaction 
to inform your Excellency that they are all in a fair way of recovery. 

"Lieutenant Colonel Eyre, who behaved with great gallantry, having 
received his wound near the works, and Major Montgomery being killed 
immerliately after, the command devolved upon Major Bromfield, v/hose 
behaviour on this occasion does him great honour. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TEEASON. 351 

" Lieutenant Colonel Bnskirk, with the New Jersey Volunteers and 
artillery, being the second debarkation, came up soon after the work was 
carried, having- been retarded by the roughness of the coilntry. I am 
much obliged to this gentleman for his exertions, although the Artilleiy 
did not arrive in time. 

" I have enclosed a return of the killed and wounded, by which your 
Excellency will observe that our loss, though verj'- considerable, is very 
short of the enemy's, who lost most of their officers, among whom was 
their commander. Col. Ledyard. Eighty-five men were found dead in 
Fort Griswold , and 60 wounded, most of them mortally; their loss on 
the opposite side must have been considerable, but cannot be ascertained. 
I believe we have about 70 prisoners, besides the wounded, who were left 
paroled. 

" Ten or twelve of the enemy's ships were burned; among them weve 
three or four armed vessels, and one loaded with naval stores; an immense 
quantity of European and West India goods were found in the stores ; 
among the former, the cargo of the Hannah, Captain Watson, from Lon- 
don, lately capture d by the enemy : The whole of which was burnt with the 
stores, which proved to contain a large quantity of powder, unknown to 
us; the explosion of the powder, and change of wind, soon after the 
stores were fired, communicated the flames to a part of the town, which 
was, notwithstanding every effort to prevent it, unfortunately destroyed. 

" Upwards of 50 pieces of iron cannon were destroyed in the different 
works (exclusive of the guns of the ships), a particular return of which 
I cannot do myself the honor to transmit to your Excellency at this 
time. 

*' A very considerable magazine of powder, and barracks to contain 300 
men were found in Fort Griswold, which Captain Lemoine, of the Royal 
Artillery, had my positive directions to destroy. An attempt was naade by 
hmi, but unfortunately failed. He had my orders to make a second 
attempt; the reasons why it was not done, Captain Lemoine will have the 
honour to explain to your Excellency. 

" I should be wanting in justice to the gentlemen of the navy did I omit 
to acknowledge that upon this expedition I have received every possible 
aid from them; Captain Beasley has made every exertion to assist our 
operations, and not only gave up his cabin to the sick and wounded offi- 
cers, but furnished them with every assistance and refreshment that his 
ship afforded. 

" Lord Dalrymple will have the honour to deliver my dispatches. I 
beg leave to refer your Excellency to his Lordship for the particulars of 
our operations on the New London side. I feel myself under great obli- 
gations to him for his exertions upon the occasion. 



352 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

"Captain Beckwith, who was extremely serviceable to me, returns with 
his Lordship. His spirited conduct in the attack of Fort Griswold, does 
him great honor, being- one of the first officers who entered the works. 
I beg leave to refer your Excellency to him for the particulars of our ope- 
rations on that side, and to say I have the highest opinion of his abiUties 
as an officer. 

" I am greatly indebted to Captain Stapleton (who acted as Major of 
Brigade), for his spirited conduct and assistance: in particular on the at- 
tack upon Fort Trumbull, and his endeavours to prevent plundering 
(when the public stores were burnt), and the destruction of private build- 
ings. 

" The officers and troops in general behaved with the greatest intre- 
pidity and firmness. 

" I have the honor to be, &c., 

"B. Arnold." 

It seems quite clear — and indeed such is the statement 
of General Heath — that Arnold did not cross the river, and 
that during the attack upon Fort Griswold he was on the 
opposite side; and this being true, he must be acquitted of 
any direct personal responsibility for what occurred at the 
Fort. His conduct in leading this expedition against liis 
native State is bad enough, without darkening the picture 
with the cruelties which occurred on the opjDOsite side of 
the stream. 

General Clinton, in general orders expresses his obliga- 
tions to General Arnold '^ for his very spirited conduct," 
and assures him that he is convinced that "he" (General 
Arnold) " took every precaution in his power to prevent the 
destruction of the Town, which is a misfortune which gives 
him much concern." ^ 

1. From London Chonide, Nov. 3-6, 1781, p. 438, To?. L. 

"General Okdktjs. Head-Quarters, "I 
" Ni.W YOHK, fcept. 17. J 
"Brigadier General Arnold having reported to the Commander-in-Chief the suc- 
cess of the expedition under his direction against New London, on the 6th instant, 
his Excellency has the pleasure of signifying to the army the high sense he enter- 
tains of the very distinguished merit of the Corps employed upon that service; but 
while he draws the greatest satisfaction from the ardour of the troops, which ena- 
bled them to carry by assault a work of such strength as Fort Gr.'swold is repre- 
sented to be, he cannot but lament, with the deepest concern, the heavy loss in offi- 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 353 

At the time of this expedition, General Heath was in 
command of a part of the American army in the State of 
Xew York, and in his Diary and Memoirs, under date of 
Sept. 10, 1781, after giving an account of the expedition 
against jSTew London, he says: 

" In Govr. Trumbull's letter, the Enemy were charged with behaving- 
in a wanton and barbarous manner, and that between seventy and eighty 
were killed, three only before the Enemy entered the Fort and the 
garrison had submitted; that on Colonel Ledyard's delivering his sword, 
reversed, to the commanding officer, who entered the fort, the officer im- 
mediately plunged it in the Colonel's body, on which several solditrs 
bayoneted him. It is also asserted, that upon the foregoing taking place, 
an American officer who stood near to Colonel Ledyard, instantly stabbed 
the British officer who had stabbed the Colonel, on which the British in- 
discriminately baj'oneted a great number of /Americans. 

' ' This expedition was commanded by Arnold. The British loss was very 
considerable in killed and wounded; among the former was Major A. ont- 
gomery. Arnold himself continued on the New London side, and while 
his troops were plundering and burning, was said to have been at a house 
where he was treated very politely; that while he was sitting with the 
gentleman regaling himself, the latter observed that he hoped his house 
and property would be safe; he was answered that while he (Arnold) 
was there, it would not be touched; but the house, except the room in 
which they were, was soon plundered, and found to be on fire. During 
the plunder of the town, the British (as is always the case in a plunder), 
were in g: eat confusion, setting their arms against trees and fences, while 
they were collecting and carrying off their plunder; in this situation 
they might have been easily defeated ; nor would it have been the first 
time an army in possession of victory, lost it in this way: hence by the 
articles of war, " If any officer or soldier shall leave his post or colors, to 
go in search of plunder, he is liable to suffer death for the oifence.'' 

"It is not meant to exculpate or to aggravate the conduct of the 

cers and men sustained by the 40th and 54th Regiments, who had the honor of that 
attack ; and as no words can do proper justice to the discipline and spirit which 
they showed on that occasion, his Excellency can only request they wiJl accept his 
thanlvs, with assurances that he will not fail to represent their conduct to their sov- 
ereign in the most honorable term.s. 

" The Commander-in-Chief begs leave to express his obligations to Brigadier Gen- 
eral Arnold, lor his very spirited conduct on the occasion ; and he assures that gen- 
( ral officer that he is convinced he took every precaution in his power to prevent 
the destruction of the town, which is a misfortune that gives him much cou- 
cern. * * *" 

23 



354 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

enemy on this occasion— but two things are to be remembered; first, ili^t 
in almost all cases the slaughter does but begin when the vanquished 
give way; and it has been said, that if this was fully considered, troops 
would never turn their backs, if it were possible to face their enemy; sec- 
ondly, in all attacks by assault, the assailants, between the feelings of dan- 
ger on the one hand, and resolution to overcome it on the other, have 
their minds worked up almost to a point of fury and madness, which those 
who are assailed, from a confidence in their works, do not feel; and that 
consequently when a place is carried, and the assailed submit, the assail- 
ants cannot instantaneously curb their fury to reason, and in this interval, 
many are slain in a way which a cool bystander would call wanton and 
barbarous, and even the perpetrators themselves, when their rage subsi- 
ded, would condemn; but tvhile the human x>cissions remain as they now 
are, there is scarcely a remedy." 

It is said that during the attack Arnold had a very nar- 
row escape from death by the hands of a Mrs. Hinman, a 
resident of IN^ew Londoii. She had known Arnold in earlier 
years, he having often been the guest of her husband. See- 
ing him riding up the street, she addressed him, and he 
immediately recognized her, and offered her his protection. 
He told her to point out her property, and lie would take 
care that it should not be injured. She pointed out not 
only her own, but the houses of several of her friends, as 
her own, and all were spared. 

At length, seeing the cruel destruction going on around 
her, the attack upon and capture of Fort Griswold, she be- 
came so incensed against Arnold that she seized a gun, and 
aiming it at him as he sat on his horse in front of the house, 
she pulled the trigger, but the piece missed fire, and the 
traitor escaped. The Lord did not on that day deliver Sis- 
era into the hands of this modern Jael^ 

1. l^cw York Daily Times, January, 1879. 



<S' 



CHAPTER XX. 

ARNOLD AT THE COURT OF GEORGE THE III. 

" On foreign shores a man exiled 
Disowned, deserted, and distressed." 

Arnold's Departure with Lord Cornwallis for England— His Reception by 
THE King and Cabinet— His Paper on a Re-union Between the Colonies 
AND THE Crown— General and Mrs. Arnold at Andre's Monument in West- 
mNSTER Abbey. 

On the 19th of October, 1781, Lord CornwaUis, with his 
entire army of near 10,000 men, surrendered to General 
Washington. When intelligence of this event reached the 
British Cabinet, the firmness of Lord North, the Minister, 
gave way, and he exclaimed, " All is lost !" * This success 
caused most men to conclude that the subjugation of the 
Colonies was impossible, and led to the acknowledgment of 
the independence of our country. 

In the December following, Arnold, with his family, 
sailed for England. In the expeditions which he com- 
manded against Virginia and into Connecticut, he had accom- 
plished all that was expected of him, had displayed energy 
and executive ability, had received the thanks of Sir Henry 
Clinton, bufrno opportunit}^ had occurred for the exhibition 
of those brilliant exploits and feats of personal heroism, for 
which his career in the patriot army had been so distin- 
guished. Independently of the reproach brought upon him 

1. Wraxall's Memoirs. 

(355) 



35G LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD. 

by the affair at Isew London, lie had not added anything to 
his military reputation. Indeed, he was so heavily handi- 
capped while in the service of the king, as to make it very 
difficult for him to acliieve anything great. It is not un- 
likely some distrust may have been felt towards him in 
some quarters among his new friends, though I discover no 
indication of it in the treatment of him by the British 
commander. Even if there had been no blot upon his rec- 
ord as an officer, as a colonist he would have labored under 
great disadvantage. 

Besides, it was well known at the British Headquarters, 
that he was constantly exposed to dangers far greater and 
of a different character from those of any other officer. Hun- 
dreds of riflemen and sharp-shooters were on the watch to 
take his life. Heavy rewards for his capture, for his abduc- 
tion had been offered, and if taken his execution would have 
been summary. He was therefore sent to England to con- 
fer with the Ministers upon the conduct of the war; and he 
prepared to leave with little or no probability of ever return- 
ing. He was now to become an exile from his native land, 
probably forever. 

How painful this exile, witli what shattered hopes, nay, 
almost despair, he left his home, the land of his glory, and 
of his disgrace, it is difficult to conceive. One must remem- 
ber his ambition, his passionate nature; how he had strug- 
gled for fame; how, when ill-treated, and deeply injured, car- 
ried away by his passions, he had listened to British emis- 
saries, and yielding to their specious arguments and persua- 
sions, had at last staked everything on the success of his 
treason, to appreciate the bitter feelings of self-reproach with 
which he sailed away from his home. It has been said, that 
the hardships he had endured and his exposure and wounds 
in battle, were the result, not of patriotism, but of ambition 
only; but " Greater love hath no man than this: that a man 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 357 

lay down his life for his friend; " and it would be difficult to 
Hnd stronger evidence of love of country than he had exhib- 
ited up to the time of his treason. 

Yet few, if any, among those he left behind would now 
remember, 

" That this poor victim of self-will 
Patriot no more, had once been patriot all." 

It was impossible for him not to recall the day, when 
brought home from Saratoga, still weak and a cripple from 
unhealed wounds so honorably received, his native State 
went out to meet, welcome and honor him. lie could not 
fail to remember when, returning to Philadelphia after hav- 
ing, by a heroism never surpassed, driven Tryon back to his 
ships, Congress replaced the horse riddled with bullets un- 
der him, w^ith another completely caparisoned, and gave him 
the promotion so long and so unjustly withheld. Kor did 
he fail to recall how often he had been honored by AVashing- 
ton, imd that the Commander-in-Chief had offered him the 
second place in his own army, and had he been true to that 
chief, it might haA^e been into his liands that the sword of 
Lord Cornwallis would have been surrendered. Musing 
upon all these recollections and all his old campaigns, from 
Ticonderoga and the Wilderness of Maine to the assault 
upon Quebec and the long Canadian winter, when " in the 
path of duty" he "■ knew no fear," he paced the deck of the 
packet and saw his native land disappear forever in the dis- 
tance. He might now be compared to a melancholy Jlot- 
som, thrown up by the waves of a stormy sea, the wreck of 
a once noble career, now the wretched relic of an abortive 
and guilty enterprise. 

He had staked all — and lost all. Execrated and cursed 
by his own countrjanen and their army, and regarded coldly 
by the other side, he must have felt uncertain of his recep- 
tion by the government to which he was fleeing. He could 



358 LIFE OF BEIs'EDICT AENOLD. 

not fail to speculate on what might have been his position, 
as the brilliant second of Washington, in establishing the 
independence of his country. He was now going empty- 
handed of success, to meet strangers, without a country or 
a home. Truly, his treason was not only a crime, but a sad 
and terrible blunder. Ko wonder that he struggled against 
despair ! 

But his devoted wife, in this hour of deep depression was 
ever at his side to soothe and sustain him. To her Arnold 
was still a hero. It was hard for her to leave father, family, 
home and friends, but with all of woman's devotion, she 
clung to her husband, and made his life endurable. 

Sir Henry Clinton gave to Arnold letters to Lord George 
Germain and others, bearing generous testimony " to his 
spirited and meritorious conduct since he had joined the 
British army," and "earnestly commending him to his 
Lordship's countenance and protection." 

Lord Cornwallis was a fellow passenger with Arnold and 
his family across the ocean to England. His lordshij), after 
his surrender at Yorktown, had been exchanged for Henry 
Laurens, late president of Congress, who had been captured 
at, sea, and confined in the Tower of London. The kindness 
of Cornwallis towards the family of Arnold, manifested on 
various occasions, and especially some years afterwards, in 
aiding to place his sons at the military school, may be at- 
tributed, in part at least, to the friendly relations created 
by this voyage together.* In the protracted passage across 
the Atlantic, then made by sail, these two gentlemen had 
abundant time to discuss the probabilities of future success 
of the w^ar. Cornwallis had nearly given up all hope, while 
Arnold professed to be still sanguine. 

" Arnold," it is said in a private letter from a gentleman 

1. Cornwallis and Arnold "were brother passengers to England." Drake's His-, 
toric Fields and Mansions of Middlesex, p, 257. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TEEASOX. 359 

who was in Europe when he arrived there, and whose ac- 
quaintance in diplomatic circles placed him in a position to 
be well informed, " was received with open arms by the 
King, caressed by the ministers, and all imaginable atten- 
tion shown him by all people on that side of the question." ' 

Leaning on the arm of Sir Guy Carleton, he was presented 
at Court by Sir Walter Stirling.' 

He was much consulted by Lord Germain and the Cab- 
inet, and regarded as a very sensible man, familiar with 
American affairs. " lie had many private conferences w^ith 
the King, and was seen walking with the Prince of Wales 
and the King's brother in the public gardens." ^ 

It must have been a suggestive spectacle to liave seen 
General Arnold in the parks of London, leaning on the arm 
of the Prince of Wales, seeking his aid under a lameness 
arising from w^ounds received in fighting against the crown. 

From the letter above quoted and other sources, I learn 
that the King, who had a passionate desire to retain the Col- 
onies, regarded him as a man whose opinions were entitled 
to great consideration. All of Arnold's future after his 
treason, for obvious reasons, depended upon a reconciliation 
between the Colonies and the Crown, and he was as reluct- 
ant as King George himself to see their independence estab- 
lished; hence, notwithstanding the surrender of Lord Corn- 
wallis, his hopeful temperament at times still cherished the 
belief that a re-union was possible. !N^ot long after his pre- 
sentation at court, at the personal request of the King, lie 
prepared a paper, dated 1782, entitled, " Thoughts on the 
American War." 

1. Drake's Historic Fields and Mansions of Middlesex, p. 258. 

2. Fargent's ' Life of Andre,' Appendix, p. 453. 

". Drake— private letter quoted by Drake, as above stated, p. 258. 

" We hear much of audiences given to Arnold, and his being present at councils." 
— Benjamin Franklhis Letter to B. H. Livingston; Bigelow's Lfe of Franklin, Vo . Ill, 
'p. IS.' 



360 LIFE OF BEXEDICT ARNOLD. 

It contains a carefully considered plan for a reconciliation 
and re-union between the Crown and the Colonies. The 
grandson of General Arnold^ has placed the original draft 
of the paper, which is in the handw^riting of General Ar- 
nold, in my hands. So far as I know, it has never before 
been j^rinted.'^ It is a curious and interesting document, 
and seems to me to exhibit some political sagacity. Ar- 
nold had alreadj^ in his address to his countrymen declared 
that he had devoted his life to the " re-union of the British 
EmjDire, as the best and only means to dry up the streams 
of misery that have deluged the country." 

He had expressed the conviction tliat it was the intention 
of Great Britain to leave the I'ights and privileges of the 
Colonies unimpaired, including " their perpetual exemption 
from taxation." 

On his arrival in London, Arnold learned, that while the 
King had no thought of yielding, the British people were 
getting tired of the war, and hopeless of success. 

In the paper referred to, he enters into an elaborate argu- 
ment to show that a majority of the Americans were op- 
posed to a separation; he earnestly recommends a change 
in the conduct of the- war, commenting cautiously on the 
delicate subject of ''tlie inactivity and misdirection of the 
King's arms in the past." 

He calls attention to the great mistake, as he regarded 
it, that no attempt had been made to set up " the civil au- 
thority in any part of America," and asserts that until this 
was done, '' the loyalists will not, nor indeed can they, give 
au}^ special assistance to the royal cause." 

The reason for this he explains at some length, saying: 

"I have said they trill not. Because ihey are Englishmen. Nay, an 
American Husbandman will no sooner quit his farm and Family, to be- 

1. The Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. 

2. See paper in full in the Appendix. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 361 

come a common Soldier at six Pence a day Wages, with rations, than an 
Enghsh Gentleman of £500 a year in the Funds. He will not lend his 
hand to eiect a military Misrule over himself and his Friends, and put 
all his Property at the Discretion of an Arbitrary Police, that has cut 
the Throat of the King's Interest wherever it has been set up. 

" He has, however, no Objection to serve in the Militia tnthin his own 
Colony, under officers who are of it, and to assist in supporting its Gov- 
ernment and defending himself in it, and may perhaps pursue the Rebel 
out of it, or meet him on a menaced Invasion near the Borders. 

" But for this Purpose the Civil Authority of the Crown must first be 
setup; and without it, Great Britain (the American being what he is) 
can neither be benefitted by his Councils, his Purse, nor his arms. He 
will be passive while under the Power of the Usurpers, and when they 
are flying before the King's Troops, continue if he can at home, giving 
aid to neither Party, and certainly not oppose the royal army, if he finds 
it possible to avoid it; and, in short, behave in the manner Lord Corn- 
w^allis experienced; distrusting both the strength of his Army to give 
protection, and what is worse, to aflPord the Protection of the Latcs of the 
Lancir 

After speaking of the feeble and exhausted condition of 
the Colonies, the great depreciation of their paper currency, 
and the small number of Continental soldiers in the field, 
he alludes to the discontented condition of Yermont, and 
suggests measures for detaching her from the Union; and 
he concludes this topic bv saving: 

" By the complete Detachment of Vermont from the Rebel Interest, 
and the Reduction of the Highland Forts em'lif in the sx>ring, much may 
be expected in the next Campaign, especially since the New Yorkers in 
general, and a very great proportion of the Country between them and 
Connecticut River are known to be very favourably inclined to the Re- 
union." 

He then recommended " a new peace commission to the 
Colonies," saying, "a new peace Commission is indispen- 
sably necessary." 

" Perplexed as the Congress must be under the growing uneasiness of 
the People, neither affection to the French, nor a republican Attach- 
ment, nor even the Aims of Ambition, would prevent them from listening 
to Overtures that ivere decisive and irreversible, if themselves could be 



o 



62 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD, 



secured from the vindictive rag-e of the Multitude they heave misled, 
oppressed and ruined, as well as from the resentment of the Crown. * * 

" It can scarcely be necessary to add, that the new Peace Commission- 
ers should have every Power of the Crown, for the appointment to offices 
— from Governors downwards, that when they return to England, they 
may have the Government established upon such a Plan, as all things 
considered, may appear to be expedient, nor that the success of the Com- 
mission will depend much upon their being: persons of Rank, and rather 
Statesmen than Soldiers, and of Characters in such estimation for the 
Fulness of their powers as to influence the Executive Instruments, both 
* of the army and navy, to a faithful, spirited, and harmonious Conduct." 

" All these things," says he, "are suggested on the supposition that 
Great Britain has such an interest in her Colonies as is worth fostering 
for the common good." 

He expresses the conviction that " the war was now nearly 
at an end," unless Britain despairs of success. 

Had the policy towards the Colonies, both civil and mili- 
tary, pointed out in this paper been pursued by the British 
government early in the war, independence would have been 
a far more difficult achievement. 

It is apparent that Arnold hoped to have been appointed 
one of the JSTew Peace Commissioners in the plan of settle- 
ment proposed by him, and it is probable that he anticipated 
that by contributing towards peace, and securing for the 
Colonies substantial self-government, he miglit mitigate to 
some extent the hatred felt towards him in America. Al- 
though the paper was read with great satisfaction by the 
King, and added to Arnold's influence at Court, it came too 
late; tlie British nation was tired of the war, the paper led 
to no action, and it soon became very clear that American 
independence was a fact accomplished, and nothing was left 
to England but to accept the inevitable. 

The fascination which Mrs. Arnold by her beauty, her 
goodness and her grace exercised over all, was not less 
marked in England than in America. Tarlteon and other 
officers who had met her in Philadelphia and Kew York, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 363 

were entliusiastic in their expressions of admiration, and, 
as has been stated, declared her the most " beautifnl woman 
in England." However this may have been, the letter before 
quoted says, " the queen was so interested in favor of Mrs. 
Arnold as to desire the ladies of the court to pay much atten- 
tion to her." 

At the same time Arnold was most severely assailed by 
the Whig newspapers, and received many mortifying indig- 
nities from persons in the opposition. He received for his * 
alleged losses, in consequence of his joining the British, the 
sum of £6315 ; £5000 of which he invested in four per cent, 
consols, realizing therefrom £7000 in stocks. 

Mrs. Arnold, some time after her arrival in Eng-land, 
received a pension of £500 per annum, and eacli of her 
children £100 per annum, from the British government.' 

In Rhode Island, upon an old gravestone, erected to the 
memory of Oliver Arnold, who died in 1770, are carved the 
arms of the family.^ The crest was a demi-lyon-rampant, 
etc., and the motto, " Gloria 7nihi sursiim.''^ 

1. Manuscript letter of Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. 

Tiie following is a copy of the Royal warrant for Mrs. Arnold's pension : 
" Geohge R. Our will & pleasure is, and we do hereby direct, authorize & com- 
mand, that an annuity or Yearly pension of Five hundred pounds be established & 
paid by You unto Margaret Arnold, wife of our trusty & well beloved Brigadier 
General, Benedict Arnold, to commence from the day of the dale hereof, &, continue 
during our pleasure, in such & like manner as other our established pensions, 
payable by You are, &.C., and this shall be therefor a sufficient Warrant. Given 
at our court at St. James, the ICth day of March, 1782, In the 22d year of our 
Reign. By his Majesty's command. 

" North. 
" Palmenton. 
" To our right Trusty & well beloved " R. Sutton. 

Wii.iJAM Hall, Vicount Gage, 
Paymaster of our Pensions, tfcc." 

2. " They (the arms) are identical with those engraved \)n the Tomb-Stone of 
Oliver Arnold, of Rhode Island, who died in 1770, and those of Sir Nicholas Arnold, 
of Higham ( ourt, county of Gloucester, whose family came from Monmoutli, 
Wales. The motto, ' Mihl gloria sursum,' is traditional. * * we translate it 
• Through g'ory yielded to rne.' " C. H. Arnold." 

Others have translated it : " My glory is on high," and " All I seelc is glory." 



364 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARXOLD. 

These arms, or something very similar, had been some- 
times used on his seal by Benedict Arnold, in America. 

It is a significant fact that after his arrival in England, 
General Arnold changed the motto to "iV^^7 desj^erandurriP 
It seems to me this change is fnll of pathos, and it is not 
the least expressive among tlie very few indications his 
proud spirit ever gav^e, of the suffering against which he 
struggled. In all the correspondence of his future life and 
that of iiis family, I find hardly an allusion to his career in 
America; no complaint; whatever his regrets and feelings, 
he gave no sign, but this change in the motto on his seal — 
from '-^ Mihi gloria sursum^'' to '^ Nil desperandumj'''* 
(^'Xever despair") — tells the story of his sufferings, and 
how he struggled against despair. 

The kindness shown to the exile and his family by the 
King and Queen was honorable to them, esj^ecially to King 
George, who, whatever Arnold's faults, seems to have been 
touched by his reverses of fortune, caused by what was 
treason to his country, but which the King regarded as a 
return to his allegiance. However Arnold's conduct might 
look to others, and however justly and severely it might be 
condemned by his countrj^men and the world, perhaps it 
was not unnatural for the King to see in it a sincere and 
honest change of opinion, and a return of personal loyalty 
to himself. He took Arnold at his word, and alwavs treated 
him and his family as tliough he believed he had sincerely 
and honestly and from good motives returned to his allegi- 
ance. Hence the favor with which he was received at court; 
hence the pension to Mrs. Arnold and her children, and tlie 
King's active aid in placing Arnold's sons in the way of 
obtaining a military education preparatory to commissions 
in the British army, as will be hereafter more fully de- 
tailed. 

The sad fate of Major Andre had created a profound sen- 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 365 

sation in England, and when, soon after Arnold'? arrival 
there, it was suggested to the King to erect a monument to 
his memory in Westminster Abbey, Arnold took a warm 
interest in the movement, and both he and his wife watched 
its progress to completion with the deepest sympathy. 

An American loyalist, an exile in England for his opin- 
ions, mentions in his diary the incident of seeino" General 
Arnold and his wife in Westminster Abbev, reading* the 
inscription on Andre's monument and conversins: too-ether/ 

" Many a citizen of the great Western Republic,'* as Dean 
Stanley says,'^ "has paused before the sight of this sad story," 
but never any with hearts more deeply touched than w^ere 
those of Arnold and his wife. 

Had the loyalist who recorded the above incident been 
behind some contiguous monument he would probably have 
heard a sad dialogue between these exiles, lamenting the 
pitiable fate of poor Andre. He would have heard Mrs. 
Arnold recall the bright days of her girlhood, when Andre, 
the gayest of the gay, was the frequent guest of her fathe:*, 
and the brilliant favorite of the social circle in which slie 
moved. 

He would have heard Arnold recall his parting from 
Andre, on the banks of the Hudson, and he might have 
heard the exiled general, when looking back upon the ter- 
rible fate of Andre and his own still more unhappy life, 
exclaim : 

" Would that 1 had died in battle at Quebec, or on the 
bloody deck of my ship on Lake Champlain, or at Saratoga, 
rather than this terrible drama! Then Andre might have 
been alive to-day, and you happy at your father's fireside." 

" Do not reproach yourself," interrupted his wife. " My 
own life can never be unhappy while you and our children 
are with me." 

1. Life of Peter Van Schaack, p. 147. 

2. Stanley's Westminster Abbey, p. 282, 



o 



66 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 



After a pause Arnold continued: 

"Yonder," pointing towards the chapel of Henry YII, 
"yonder, among England's kings, lie the remains of Gen- 
eral Monk, Duke of Albemarle,' whose part in England's 
history I was to re-enact in America, as they fold m<3," said 
Arnold, with a smile of bitter irony upon himself. 

" If I had succeeded, as I hoped," said he, " in re-uniting 
the Empire, I too might have found a place and a monu- 
ment here — as they promised me." ^ 

As he lingered, sadly leaning on Andre's monument, 
among the graves of so many who have made the greatness 
and the glory of England, he realized that, 

" No nation's eyes would on his tomb be bent, 
No hero envy him his monument, 
However boldly his warm blood was spilt, 
His life was shame, his epitaph was guilt." 

1. " They (Monk and Montague and Ormond), were all buried among the Kings, 
in the chapel of Henry VII." — Stanlei/s Westminster Abbey, p. 249. 

2. "Had the scheme succeeded," wrote an officer of the Coldstream Guards, "no 
rank would have overpaid so important a service " as Arnold's. — Life of Andre, 
p. 450. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

GENERAL ARNOLD ENGAGES IN BUSINESS. 

" I am one whom the world loves not." 

Arnold Settles in Portman Square, London— Lives Beyond his Means— En- 
gages IN Trade— Removes to St. John's, New BRrNswicK— Family Corres- 
pondence—Mrs. Arnold Visits her Family at Philadelphia. 

The definitive treaty of peace between the United States 
and Great Britain was signed September 3d, 1783. The 
feeling among the people of England against a further 
prosecution of the war, had been constantly increasing since 
the surrender of Cornwallis, and no hostile movements of 
very great importance occurred after that event. Arnold 
does not appear to have seen any active service as a soldier 
after his arrival in England. There seem to have been great 
difficulties in regard to his employment, and it is not hard 
to understand what they were, and they must have been 
most galling to one wdth a spirit so haughty and proud. 
None doubted either his bravery or his great ability as a 
soldier, and the King was his friend, and would have gladly 
given him positions where he might liave distinguished 
himself. That he passionately sought such j^ositions, and 
especially in the wars with France, eagerly seeking an oppor- 
tunity to wash off with his blood the blot upon his fame, 
was well known, and w^as made manifest by his appeal to the 
Duke of York and Earl Spencer, which will appear here- 

(367) 



368 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

after. But the officers of the British army were made up 
largely of the sons of the nobility, and how they regarded 
a Colonist appears in the treatment of Washington in the 
old French war by Braddock and the English government; 
besides, and of much greater importance, Arnold's conduct 
at AYest Point was condemned almost as severely by the 
liberal party in England as by his own countrymen, and 
there were very few who approved it. With this strong 
feeling against him pervading one party, and existing ex- 
tensivel}^ in the other, it was difficult to give him emploj'- 
ment as a soldier. He chafed and struggled against this 
exclusion as an imprisoned eagle struggles for liberty, but 
in v^ain. 

During this period his social life involved much larger 
expenditure than his means supplied. It was a fault of his 
character to be lavish and extravagant, and his expenses 
were nev^er measured by his income. Being without mili- 
tary employment, he had no source of revenue except his 
small investment in the funds, his pay as an officer, and the 
pension of his wife. 

He seems finally to have resolved to devote his attention 
to the education and advancement of his family, and the ac- 
quisition of a fortune adequate to their wants. He resumed 
the employments of his early years, and again became a 
merchant. In these effiDrts to mend his fortune Arnold was 
seconded by his wife, with an executive ability and good 
sense which it would have been well for him if he had im- 
plicitly followed. 

The family correspondence shows that both General and 
Mrs. Arnold were persons of unusually strong family attach- 
ments. His correspondence with his sister Hannah, and 
with his sons by his first wife, who remained during their 
childhood and youth under his sister's care, was frequent 
and afi'ectionate. The letters of Mrs. Arnold to her father 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 369 

and sisters in Philadelpliia, are models of filial and sisterly 
affection; and her attentions to her luisband's sister, and his 
elder sons, Ben, Richard and Henry, were constant and 
devoted. 

In Jannarj, 1TS3, there was born to them their first 
danghter, named for her mother, Margaret, bnt she lived 
only to the next Angnst. 

George, their third son and fourth child, was born in 
March, 1784, and died verj^ soon thereafter. 

Sophia Matilda, their second daughter and fifth child, was 
born in London, July 28th, 1785. 

On the 13th of July, in the same year, Mrs. Arnold writes 
to her father in relation to Mount Pleasant, the country-seat 
which General Arnold had settled upon her and her chil- 
dren at the time of tlieir marriage, saying : 

*' General Arnold desires you will be so good as to sell Mount Pleasant 
for as much, as you can, and if it should fall short of the sum which you 
gave (besides paying off the mortgage), he desires you will be so good as 
to draw on him for that ballance, as he thinks it better to put up with 
the first loss than to advance any more money on Mount Pleasant.^ * 

" I must request my dearest Papa to present my tender love to the 
family. General Arnold begs to be remembered to you all in the most 
affectionate manner." 

Meanwhile, General Arnold had fitted ont a ship for a 
trading voyage to the West Indies, in which he sailed. In 
liis absence, and living among strangers, Mrs. Arnold strug- 
gled to maintain her fortitude. In a letter to her father, 
dated April 11th, 1786, she details her embarrassments and 
sorrows in a letter full of pathos. 

She says: 

" My deak and ever hoxoiied Papa: 

" * * * I am still in the most unhappy state of suspense 
respecting the General, not having heard from him since the account of 
his ship's being lost. * * * 

1. Autograph letter, July 13, 1785. 
24 



370 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

"I assure you, my dear Papa, I find it necessary to summon all my 
philosophy to my aid to support myself under my present situation. 

"Separated from, and anxious for the fate of the best of husbands, 
torn from almost every body that is dear to me, harrassed with a trouble- 
some and expensive law-suit,^ having" all the General's business to trans-" 
act, and feeling- that I am in a strange country, without a creature near 
me that is really interested in my fate, you will not wonder if I am 
unhappy. 

"But I will not distress you, my beloved Papa, with my unavailing 
complaints, which I seldom suffer to engross either my pen or my tongue; 
but deprived of all domestic society, I have too much time to indulge 
them." 

Like a devoted mother, she turns to her children for con- 
solation, and adds: 

"My children are perfectly well — my little girl the picture of health, 
and has never had an hour's illness. I still continue to nurse her. I 
beg, my dearest Papa, you will present my tender love to all the family. 
With unceasing prayers for your and their health and happiness, believe 
me. Yours affectionately." ^ 

She was soon relieved by news of her husband's safety. 

In 1787, General Arnold removed to St. Johns, New 
Brunswick, and entered largely into mercantile business, en- 
gaging principally in the West India trade. Mr. Sparks 
suggests that the English Government granted him facilities 
in the way of contracts for supplying the troops there with 
provisions.^ He carried on an extensive business, building 
ships, and sending cargoes to the West Indies. His two 
sons, Richard and Henry, joined him, and aided him in liis 
extensive operations. At St. Johns were a large number 
of loyalists, refugees from the United States, who had fled, 
or been exiled from their native country, and at the close 
of the war had settled on this island. 

Arnold is said to have exhibited here some of his charac- 
teristic faults, living in a style of ostentation and display, 

1. An old claim against General Arnold, which was decided by the court in his 
favor. 

2. Autograph letter, September 11, 1786. 

3. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 332. 



HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 371 

and to have been haughty and reserved in his intercourse, 
so that he became personally obnoxious. 

While the family were residing at St. Johns, George Ar- 
nold, their sixth child, was born. 

An incident occurred while he was a resident on the isl- 
and, which has been told in such a way as to throw discredit 
upon General Arnold, and to exhibit the injustice with which 
he has often been treated. In his absence on a visit to 
England, a warehouse in which his goods were stored, took 
lire on the 11th of July, 1788, at night, and with its con- 
tents was entirely consumed. His son, Henry Arnold, 
sleeping in the store, was severely burned, barely escaping 
with his life. The goods, amounting to several thousand 
pounds, were insured. His enemies circulated reports that 
he himself had caused the tire, to defraud the underwriters, 
and they made such representations that the insurance offi- 
cers refused payment of the insurance money. Arnold 
brought suit, and after a full investigation and trial, he 
recovered the full amount. 

Yet, notwithstanding the judicial investigation and judg- 
ment of the court, Arnold's absence in England at the time 
of the fire, and the fact that his son came near being burned 
to death in the conflagration, the cruel charge has been 
made, and repeated time and time again, that he burned his 
warehouse in St. Johns to defraud the underwriters. 

This is one of the thousand slanders which have been 
eagerly seized, and without investigation put in circulation, 
and often repeated without care, whether true or false; yet 
this is one of the penalties for his great crime. His vir- 
tues all ignored, his faults exaggerated, and a thousand 
ialsehoods heaped upon his memory. " Yerily, the way of 
the transgressor is hard !" 

In 1788 General Arnold and family returned to London, 
and in August of that year Chief Justice Shippen writes to 



i 



o72 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

his dangliter, addressing lier at Xo. 18 Gloucester Place, 
Portman Square, London, in which he says : 

** I write from my country- place, about four miles from the city, which 
is again visited by a malignant fever, and therefore unsafe to reside in. 
This dreadful sickness, added to the apprehensions of a war with our 
former friends, the French, has damped our spirits, and threatens to 
check the progress of our once prosperous country, * * * 

*' By way of domestic news, I must tell you that our nabob, Mr. Bing- 
ham, has just married his oldest daughter to Alexander Baring, son of 
Sir Francis Baring, of your country." ^ 

Mrs. Arnold, after an absence of seven years, yearned to 

see her father and her family once more, and on the 14th of 

August, 1778, writes to her sister, Mrs. Burd, as follows: 

" As the tjine draws near when I hope to be blessed with the society of 
my beloved sister, I find my impatience increases, — I sometimes fear that 
it is impossible I shall ever be so happy as to behold my dearest, tenderly 
beloved parents and sisters ; yet as I have got the better of almost every 
obstacle to my paying you a visit, I ought to anticipate nothing but 
pleasure — I feel great regret at the idea of leaving the General alone, and 
much perplexed with business, but as he strongly urges a measure that 
will be productive of so much happiness to me, I think there can be no 
impropriety in taking the step. * * There is an excellent vessel that 
sails between this place and New York, entirely fitted out for the accom- 
modation of passengers — It is generally much crowded, but to avoid that 
inconvenience, the General proposes taking the whole cabin for me, if it 
can be procured upon tolerably reasonable terms, in which case it will be 
optional with me to admit any other persons. I hope to leave this some 
time in October — I hope, my dear Sister, that I shall not put Mamma to 
the least additional trouble on my account ; it would distress me ex- 
tremely if I did, in the present state of her health. I cannot convenienth/ 
go without one maid and child ; yet if that would enlarge the family too 
much, I would make my arrangements differently, and leave only for a 
couple of months — I am sure when I am with you, that Mamma will find 
that it is my wish rather to lessen, than to add to the cares of her 
family. Pray let me hear from you soon ; I am extremely anxious about 
Mamma, the account you gave me of her situation has almost Iroken 
my heart — she must suffer extremely from the loss of her limbs, as she 
has been accustomed to so much exercise." 

1. Of the family of the great bankers, and whose son negotiated with Daniel 
Webster the Ashburton Treaty. 



niS PATllIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 373 

* * * * ****4{. 

" A thousand loves to Mr. B. and the family; T wrote to my Mamma and 
sister some days ago but was disappointed in sending my letters." 

Mrs. Arnold made the journey and visited her family in 
Philadelphia, in accordance with the plans mentioned in 
the above letter, but her reception by nearly all her old 
friends, outside of her immediate family, was so cold and 
repelling, that her warm and affectionate heart was chilled, 
and she was deeply grieved. 

Perhaps this was not surprising, but she was not pre- 
pared for it. The feeling against her husband, and to some 
extent against herself, made her visit to America very un- 
comfortable. She returned to London, and the family 
went back to St. Johns, where they remained until 1791. 

In a letter to Mr. Burd, her sister's husband, dated April 
13th, 1791, Mrs. Arnold says: 

"We are in pleasing expectation of returning this summer to England, 
a country less hostile to our interests, and much better calculated to pro- 
mote our happiness than this. The escheating lands and some other 
arbitrary acts of the government here, are causing this country to depop- 
ulate very fast. The poor flee to their native [laces in the States for 
refuge. Their reception there, I fear, is very doubtful; at least if I may 
judge from my own." 

In the same letter she says: 

"Accept, my dear Mr, Burd, the tribute of a grateful heart, animated 
by the most sincere and lively affection. Your conduct towards me has 
ever marked the real friend and brother." 

A letter from her father to Mrs. Arnold, written in July, 
1788, is interesting, as show^ing the kind and generous con- 
sideration and affection he ever manifested for her. Her 
brother had become indebted to General Arnold in the sum 
of £750 pounds sterling, and the General had expressed a de- 
sire that it should be settled upon Mrs. Arnold and her 
children, for their sole and separate use. Mr. Shippen 
writes to his daughter, that 



374 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

** If he (the son) does not discharge the debt in my lifetime, you may 
rest assured I will make such a provision in my will, that it shall be paid 
out of such parts of my estate as I shall allot for the use of him or his 
family." ' 

In the summer of 1791, General Arnold and his family 
returned to England, and settled permanently in London. 

1, Manuscript letter. 



/ 



CHAPTEK XXII. 

ARNOLD'S DUEL WITH THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE. 

"Through the perils of chance and the scowl of disdain 
May thy front be unaltered, thy courage elate ! " 

Arnold and Talleykand— Arnold's Duel with the Earl of Lauderdale— 
Statement of Lord Hawke— Mrs. Arnold's Letters to her Father and to 
Richard Arnold, Giving an Account of the Duel. 

Those 'who have supposed that Arnold 'was not keenly 
sensitive to the opinions of his countrymen and the world, 
because he 'was too proud to complain and generally reti- 
cent, never seeking to excuse or palliate his conduct, did 
not comprehend the man. An anecdote, -^vhich I believe to 
be substantially true, has been published of an interview 
bet'ween him and Talleyrand, 'which is signiiicant on this 
phase of his character. Arnold and the distinguished 
French diplomat happened to meet at an English country 
inn. They 'were strangers, neither knowing the name of 
the other; but there being no other guests, they dined to- 
gether, and were mutually pleased witli each other. The 
subject of the United States and American affairs was in- 
troduced and discussed, and after dinner, they lingered 
some time over their w^ine. Talleyrand, impressed with the 
intelligence of the stranger, and his familiar knowledge of 
the public men of America, at length said to him : " From 
your knowledge of all that relates to the United States, I 

(375) 



OT 



76 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARXOLD. 

am sure jou must be an American ; my name is Talley- 
rand," handing to the General his card, "and I am about 
to visit that country; perhaps you will be so kind as to give 
me some letters of introduction to your friends there." 

Arnold replied : "You are right in supposing I am an 
American. I was born and have spent nearly all my life 
there, yet I am probably the only American living who can 
say, ' I have not one friend in America ! I^o, not one ! ' 
I am Benedict Arnold." 

Tlie duel between General Arnold and the Earl of Laud- 
erdale has been the subject of much misrepresentation. 1 
have the means of stating the exact truth in regard to it, 
and of adding that this was the only duel in which he was 
ever eno:affed while in Eno;land. 

The meetinij: s^rew out of what was said bv Lord Lauder- 
dale in the House of Lords, on the 31st of May, 1792, in a 
very warm, excited and personal debate on the King's pro- 
clamation against seditious meetings. After the Marquis 
of Abercorn, the Earl of Harrington, Lord Hawl:e, His 
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, and others, had ad- 
dressed their Lordships, the Earl of Lauderdale followed, 
and with great vehemence charged the Ministers with gross 
inconsistency. He compared their conduct to that of Mr. 
Pitt and the Duke of Pichmond at the close of the Ameri- 
can war. 

" How the noble Duke and Mr. Pitt would vindicate 

sucli a change of conduct he knew not, but would leave it 

to them," etc. 

" The Earl at length took notice of the camp at Bagshot, which he said 
the noble Duke (of Richmond), who had been so strenuous for reform, 
was appointed to command, to overawe the people, and destroy their 
endeavors to obtain a reform. He declared he was glad the Duke was to 
command the camp. If apostucij could justify promotion, he was the 
most fit person for that command, General Arnold alone excejjted.'" * 

]. Cobbett s rarliamentary Debates, Vol. XXIX, p. 1518-19. 

"To these remarks the Duke of Richmond replied iii language which called 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 377 

"When these remarks appeared in the report of the debate, 
General Arnold instantly saw his opportunity. A soldier 
with a blot npon his name, he had been an exile for ten 
years, bearing in silence every mortification and indignity 
which bitter enemies could inflict. 

These indignities and mortifications had generally been 
in a form and from sources he could neither notice nor re- 
sent, and he had borne them in haughty silence. 'Now the 
Earl of Lauderdale, a nobleman as high in character as in 
rank, the hereditary standard-bearer of Scotland,' in the 
House of Lords, in the face of the peers of all England, and 
in the knowledge of all the world, had assailed him in a 
manner which no soldier could endure. Arnold knew that 
the words of the Earl w^ould be seized by his enraged coun- 
trymen as the judgment of England upon his conduct. 

Such an attack was not a manly thing on the part of the 
Earl of Lauderdale. Whatever Arnold's guilt, he was a 
stranger, with not too many friends, struggling unequally 
against a torrent of troubles. True, he had brought these 
troubles upon himself, but it is not a manly or a generous 
act to taunt even the guilty when on the scaffold. Besides, 
it was hardly fair for a Iiigh official of the government 
which had seduced him, now in his exile to scoff at his trea- 
son. The EaJi'l, however, had no personal hostility to Ar- 
nold ; in the heat of debate he had used his name " to point 
a moral," if not " to adorn a tale." 

He had capped his brilliant rhetorical climax of apostacy 
with the name of Benedict Arnold. However amusing this 

from the Earl of Lauderdale, through Mr. Grey, a demand for an expltCnation or a 
meeiing. After discussion, the Earl of Lauderdale declared the expression used 
by him, applied solely to the Duke of Richmond's public conduct, and that he 
meant nothing in any respect to his Grace's private character. The Duke 
of Richmond, on his part, declared he did not persist in the terms he used to 
Lord Lauderdale, those expressions having been suggested solely by the idea of 
])is private character's having been attacked."— Cobber's Parliamen'ary Debates, 
Vol. XXIX, p. lol9, note. 
1. Lodge's British Peerage. 



378 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

may Lave been to the Earl, it was terribly severe, not to say 
cruel, to Arnold. He felt that bis hour bad come, botb 
" the hour and the man." 

He bad waited for such an opportunity to seek such poor 
vindication of himself as " the field of honor," so-called, 
would afford, and none better suited to his purpose could 
have been devised — the place of the assault, one of the 
most dignified deliberative assemblies in the world ; the 
assailant, in position, rank and cliaracter, among the high- 
est in Eno'land. 

Arnold gladly seized the opportunity to show that he w^as 
yet willing to die, if need be, in vindication of his name, 
and in teaching such assailants forbearance. His warm 
personal friend. Lord Hawke, volunteered to carry his mes- 
sage to the Earl, demanding an apology or a hostile meet- 
ing. The Earl declined to apologize, and a meeting was 
arranged, Lord Hawke acting for General Arnold, and 
Charles James Fox, the great parliamentary orator, acting 
for Lord Lauderdale.^ 

The meeting was appointed for 7 o'clock on Sunday 
morning, a short distance out of London, near Kilburn 
Wells. 

Mrs. Arnold, in a letter to her father, set forth liereafter, 
says: "A variety of circumstances combined to make me 
acquainted with the whole transaction. What 1 suffered 
for nearly a week is not to be described ; the suppression 
of my feelings, lest I should unman the General, almost at 
last proved too much for me, and for some hours my reason 
was despaired of, and I was confined to my bed for some 
days after." 

The picture of Mrs. Arnold, separated from every rela- 

1. Fox, Pitt and Burke— Fox, of whom Byron said, 

*• The first of the wondrous three, 
Whose words were sparks of immortality." 



► 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 379 

tion in tlie world, "feeling," as she said to her father in a 
letter before mentioned, " feeling that she was in a strange 
country, without a creature near her really interested in 
her fate," with her young children around her, struggling 
to suppress her feelings lest she should " unman" her hus- 
band, is an exhibition of heroism, fortitude and devotion 
rarely surpassed. 

On the Sunday morning appointed. General Arnold arose 
very early, and Mrs. Arnold awake, conscious that her 
husband was going to a hostile meeting, which might re- 
sult in his death, yet feigned sleep, lest the parting should 
unnerve him. He kissed her tenderly, but careful not to 
awaken her, spoke no parting words, and accompanied Lord 
Hawke to the place of meeting. There they were met by 
the Earl and Mr. Fox.* 

It was arranged that the principals were to fire on the 
word, to be given by Mr. Fox. Lord Lauderdale received 
General Arnold's fire, which was without effect, but did not 
return the fire. Lord Hawke, supposing Lord Lauderdale's 
pistol had missed fire, desired him to fire. General Arnold, 
calmly and firmly keeping his ground, to receive the Earl's 
shot, called out to him to '' fire." His Lordship declined, 
saying he had no enmity to General Arnold. Lord Hawke 
then said he supposed Lord Lauderdale would not object to 
say that he did not mean to asperse General Arnold's char- 
acter. His Lordship declined, saying he had formerly said 
he did not mean to wound General Arnold's feelings ; he 
should not explain what he had said; General Arnold might 
fire aojain if he chose. This Lord Hawke and General Ar- 
nold said was impossible. Then Lord Lauderdale said he 
could not retract his words, but was sorry if any man felt 
hurt by them. On which General Arnold said, "that is 
not a proper apology — such as I would make myself in a 

1. For this incident I am indebted to Rev. Edward G. Arnold. 



o 



80 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 



similar situation," and lie again insisted on his Lordship's 
firing. Lord Lauderdale did not fire, but after a few words 
with General Arnold, and with Lord Hawke, and Mr. Fox, 
lie came forward, and said: "I have no enmity against 
General Arnold ; I did not mean to asperse his character^ 
or wound his feelings, and I am sorry that General Arnold 
or any other person should be hurt at what I have said." 

To which General Arnold replied : " Lord Lauderdale, 1 
am perfectly satisfied with your apology, provided our sec- 
onds as men of honor w^ill say that I ought to be." 

Botli Lord Hawke and Mr. Fox agreed that the apology 
ought to be deemed perfectly satisfactory. 

Before the parties left the ground, the Earl, on learning 
from a messenger which Mrs. Arnold, in her extreme anx- 
iety had sent to the place of meeting, that she was ill from 
anxiety and apprehension, with true chivalry expressed 
great concern and regret, and begged permission to wait 
upon her to express his sorrow and make his apology. 

The following statement was drawn up July 7, 1792, by 
General Arnold at his residence in Portland Place, and en- 
dorsed and verified by Lord Hawke, as " a moderate and 
unexaffo^ei'^ted statement of the dispute between General 
Arnold and Lord Lauderdale:"^ 

" A STATE OF THE AFFAIR OF HONOR DECIDED BETWEEN LORD 

LAUDERDALE AND GENERAL ARNOLD, ON SUNDAY 

MORNING, THE 1ST OP JULY, NEAR 

KILBURN WELLS. 

" The parties met at about 8 o'clock — Lord Lauderdale with his friend, 
Mr. Fox, and Iiord Hawke, as the friend of General Arnokl. The par- 
ties agreed to fire together, on a word given by Mr. Fox. Lord Lauder- 
dale received General Arnold's fire (which was without effect), and 

1. I believe it was the suggestion of Fox, Avhose generous feelings were touched 
by Arnold's misfortunes, that induced the Earl to withdraw the aspersions upon 
Arnold's character. 

2. The original paper, in the handwriting of General Arnold, and the endorse- 
ment, in the handwriting of Lord Hawke, furnished by a grandson of General Ar- 
nold, is now belore me. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 381 

reserved his own. Lord Hawke told Lord Lauderdale that he believed 
his pistol had missed fire, and desired him to fire. He was also called 
upon by General Arnold to fire (who kept his ground for that purpose), 
which his Lordship declined, sayingf that he had no enmity to General 
Arnold. Lord Hawke then observed that he supposed Lord Lauderdale 
would not object to say that he did not mean to asperse General Arnold's 
character, which his Lordship decKned, saying that he had formerly said he 
did not mean to wound General Arnold's feelings; he should not explain 
what he had said, and that General Arnold might fire again if he chose. 
This Lord Hawke and General Arnold said was impossible. Then Lord 
Lauderdale said he could not retract his words, but was sorry if any man 
felt hurt by them ; on which General Arnold said that was not a proper apol- 
og}^ — such as he should make himself in a similar situation — and again 
insisted on his Lordship's firing*. 

" Lord Lauderdale, after having some short conversation with General 
Arnold and the seconds, came forward very handsomely, like a man of 
honor, and declared "that he had no enmity against General Arnold, 
that he did not mean to asperse General Arnold's character, or wound his 
feelings, and was sorry that General Arnold, or any other person should 
be hurt at what he had said.'' 

" General Arnold told Lord Lauderdale that he was perfectly satisfied 
with his apology, provided their seconds, as men of honor, would say that 
he ought to be so, which they both did. 

" Portland Place, } 
"July 7th, 1792, f 

"This is a moderate and unexaggerated statement of the dispute 
between General Arnold and Lord Lauderdale, to the best of my knowl- 
edge and belief, on the part of General Arnold. 

"Hawke." 

On the sixth of July Mrs. Arnold wrote to her father, 
giving the details of the duel. If she speaks with some 
pride of the conduct of her hnsband, and colors some cir- 
cumstances in his favor, it will be forgiven to the partiality 
of a devoted wife. 

* ' My Beloved and Respected Parent : 

" The anxiety which my last letter must have occasioned, as I then men- 
tioned the probability of a Duel's taking place between the Earl of Laud- 
erdale and General Arnold, I am happy now to have it in my power to 
relieve; as the affair is settled most honorably for the General, and his 
conduct upon the occasion has gained him great applause. The circum- 
stances that gave rise to it you may wish to hear: Lord Lauderdale 



I 



382 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

(who is violent in the opposition, and who was the only man in the House 
of Lords who voted against an address of thanks to the King, upon a 
late Proclamation), in an attack upon the Duke of Richmond, respect- 
ing the reform in Parliament, is said to have used the following expres- 
sions: * That he did not know any instance of Political Apostacy equal 
to the Duke of Richmond's, except General Arnold's,' and that 'the 
intended Encampment was designed to overawe the inhabitants of 
the Kingdom, and the Metropolis in particular ; and prevent a 
Reform in Parliament, that the Duke of Richmond was the most 
proper person he knew of to command it, General Arnold first 
struck off the list.' Upon the General's demanding an apology for this 
unprovoked attack upon his character, his Lordship positively denied 
having made use of the last expression, or any similar to it; the first he 
acknowledged, and made a kind of apology for it; but, it not satisfying 
the General, he drew up such a one as he would accept, which his Lord- 
ship refused to sign. 

I ord Hawke (who is a most respectable Peer, and our particular friend) 
voluntarily offered his services upon the occasion; and as the matter 
could not be amicably settled, his Lordship waited upon Lord Lauder- 
dale, and a place was named for a meeting. The time appointed was 
seven o'clock on Sunday morning last — Mr. Charles Fox, as second to 
Lord Lauderdale; Lord Hawke, the General's. It was agreed that they 
should fire at the same time, upon a word given, which the General did, 
without effect. Lord L. refused to fire, saying he had no enmity to Gen- 
eral Arnold. He at the same time refused making an apology, and said 
the General might fire again, if he chose. This was impossible, but the 
General desired Lord Hawke to tell Mr. Fox, that he would not leave the 
field without satisfaction; and that if Lord Lauderdale persisted in his 
refusal of giving it to him, either by an apology or firing again, that he 
should be under the necessity of using such expressions to him, as would 
oblige him to do the latter. Upon this, the seconds had a conference, dur- 
ing which time Lord Lauderdale and the General met; when he told his 
Lordship that he did not come there to convince the world that he dare 
fight, but for satisfaction for the injury done his character; and that he cer- 
tainly would not quit the field without it. After a consultation between 
Lord L. & Mr. Fox, his Lordship came forward, and said that he had no 
enmity to General Arnold — that he did not mean to asperse his character or 
wound his feelings, and was sorry for what he had said. General A. said 
he was perfectly satisfied with this apology, provided the seconds, as men 
of honor, declared he ought to be so, which they, without hesitation, did. 
Before they left the ground. Lord Lauderdale expressed great concern at 
finding that I had been made unhappy, and begged leave to wait upon 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 383 

me, to make an apoloo-y. A variety of circumstances combined to make 
me acquainted with the whole transaction; what I suffered for near a 
week is not? to be described; the suppression of my feelings, lest I should 
unman the General, almost at last proved too much for me; and for some 
hours, my reason was dispaired of. I was confined to my bed for some 
days after, but am now so much better that I shall go out an airing this 
afternoon. It has been highly gratifying to find the General's conduct 
so much applauded, which it has been universally, and particularly by a 
number of the first characters in the Kingdom, who have called upon him 
in consequence of it. Nor am I displeased at the great commendations 
bestowed on my own conduct upon this trying occasion. I wrote you a 
long letter about ten days ago, upon the subject of the little money that 
has been received as a provision for my children, which letter I hope you 
will receive safe. I intended sending a duplicate, but am not at present 
equal to copying it. I mentioned that we could not, in the Funds, get 
above 4 per cent, for money, and by annuities, insured, not more than 6 
per cent. ; Expressed the great anxiety I should feel until something was 
secured to my children, as the greatest part of our Income depended upon 
our lives : ( Ah ! how lately has one of them been endangered) and entreated 
your advice and assistance in the disposal of it to advantage. I suggested a 
wish that Mr. Lea would employ a small sum in business for the advan- 
tage of my children, but left the matter entirely to your discretion, and 
begged that if you were of opinion that it would be better to place the 
money in Philadelphia, and that it would there produce a good Interest, 
and be safe, that you would have the goodness to undertake the business 
for me, — and authorized you to draw upon me, if Bills were at or above 
Par, on Messrs. Dorset & Co., Bankers, New Bond street, for £2,000 ster- 
ling, I shall impatiently wait your answer, my beloved Papa, as we 
shall not think of disposing of the money otherways till then. The hon- 
orable and advantageous Peace made by Lord Cornwallis in the East 
Indies, has afforded great pleasure to all Joi/al subjects here. Many peo- 
ple look forward with dread to the 14th of July, as they are fearful of 
Riots on that day, but I sincerely hope it is without cause. — I beg to be 
most affectionately remembered to all the family, in which the General 
begs leave to join. 
"Beheve me, my dearly beloved Parent, 

" Most truly Yours, 

*'M. Arnold." » 

In a letter to Richard, the second son of General Arnold by 
his first wife, written in August, 1792, Mrs. Arnold says: 

1 The foregoing is copied from the original, in the possession of Edward Ship- 
pen, Esq., of Philadelphia. 



o 



84 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 



'' I was greatly distressed about six weeks ago by your Father's being 
concerned in a duel, but it has ended so safely and honorably to him, I 
am happy it has taken place. The Earl of Lauderdale cast some reflec- 
tions upon his political character in the House of Lords, for which your 
Father demanded an apology, which his Lordship refused to make. On 
Sunday morning, the 1st of July, they went out a few miles from town, 
with their Seconds and Surgeons — Lord Hawke, your Father's, and Mr. 
Charles Fox, Lord Lauderdale's. 

"Lord Lauderdale received j'our Father's fire, but refused to return it, 
saying he had no enmity to him. After a little deliberation, and your 
Father's declaring that he would not quit the field without an apology,- 
his Lordship made a very satisfactory one. Your Father has gained ver}- 
great credit in this business, and I fancy it will deter others from taking 
liberties with him. * * " 

I extract the following paragraphs from a letter from 
Mrs. Arnold to Richard, dated Jnly 28, 1793, showing lier 
deep interest in his welfare, and how kindly and discreetly 
• she discharged the duties of a mother towards him: 

" I shall always be happy," says she, " to consider you as a son, whose 
welfare is dear to me." 

" You request, my dear Richard, my influence with your father to in- 
duce him to consent to your marrying. V/ith respect to him, I must beg 
not to interfere ; — but give me leave, as a friend interested for your hap- 
piness, to offer you my ad\'ice. I should by no means wish you to give 
up a young lady to whom your love and honor are engaged, and who, 
from everything I can hear, is worthy of your affection. But by the love 
you bear her, let me admonish you not to marry her till you are enabled 
to support her in a comfortable style. How many people are there who 
are for years engaged, while prudence forbids an union, who afterwards 
come together, and are happier for their self-denial, till fortune smiled 
upon them. You are particularly fortunate in not b ing severed from 
the object of your aftections ; you can enjoy her society, and your desire 
to unite yourself to her will stimulate your Lidustry. 

" By precipitating yourself into matrimony till you are established in 
business, you would probably render yourself and the object of your re- 
gards miserable ; — but by j^our exertions, a short time may make a mate- 
rial change in your affairs, and you will then be enabled to marry her, 
with a prospect of happiness, and with the approbation of your friends. 

" Your afll'ectionate, <S:c." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

ARNOLD'S SERVICES IN THE WEST INDIES— HIS DI!ATH. 

" Seek out— less ofren sought than found— 
A soldier's grave, for thee the best." 

General Arnold IN 1794 Fits OUT a. Ship for the West lNDiE=i— Ship Lost— At 
Gaudaloupe— His Danger— Escapes to the English Fleet— His Services to the 
Government in the West Indies— Receives the Thanks of the Planters— 
The King Grants to Him 13,500 Acres of Canada Lands for his "Gallan- 
try," &c.— He begs the Duke of York for Military Service Against the 
French— His Death. 

In the spring of 1794, General Ar lold purchased a ship 
for the purpose of going to the West Indies, and engaging 
in trade and commerce. 

To avoid the dangers of the British Channel, he went by 
land to Falmouth, and after waiting some two weeks for the 
arrival of his ship, just as she was about coining into port, 
he fortunately concluded noi: to sail in her, but stepped on 
board the packet, ready to put to sea. xV few days there 
after, his ship with a valuable cargo, was captured by the 
French, bnt he arrived in safety at St. Kitto.^ In a letter 
to Richard, Mrs. Arnold says: 

" I am now in a state of most extreme misery, from the report of your 
Father's being a prisoner to the French at Point-a- Peter, Gaudaloupe. 
It is contradicted by some gentlemen lately from St. Kitto, but your 
Father's last letter to me, being of the first of June, wherein he says he 
shall set-off the next day for Point- a- Peter, makes it but too probable, 

1. Manuscript letter from Mrs. Arnold to Richara Arnold, dated Aug. 1794. 
25 (385) 



386 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

as the French took possession of that Place the 4th of June. We are in 
hourly expectation of its re-capture, till I hear of which I shall not know 
a moment's peace of mind." * 

It seems that early in June, lie arrived at Point-a-Peter, 
with about five thousand pounds in cash, with which to buy 
sugar; not knowing that the Island liad fallen into the 
hands of the French. When he learned that the French 
were already in possession, assuming the name of Anderso?i, 
he passed for an American, come there to buy a cargo. He 
knew of course, that if his rank and person were discovered, 
lie would be taken prisoner, and held as a British General. 
I^ot daring to be seen in the town, he concealed himself 
near the shore, and set to work to construct a raft for his 
escape. The French fleet lay near the fortifications, guard- 
ing the island, and outside of the French lay the British 
fleet. Waiting for a favorable juncture of wind and tide — 
as darkness closed over the island and the sea, he put him- 
self afloat on his frail raft, to take the hazards of passing 
undiscovered through the French to the English fleet.'^ 
Without a single attendant, aided by the tide and the wind, 
he rowed silently through the hostile fleet, and although 
hailed by the French guard-boat, he at length reached the 
deck of a British man-of-war, and w^as taken on board. 
His usual boldness and readinesss in extricating himself 
from danger, had not deserted him, and he was able to ren- 
der the English great service. 

It was not long before he was able to send to Mrs. Arnold 
intelligence of his escape and safe arrival on board the Brit- 
ish flag-ship. 

On the 25th of June, 1794, was born William Fitch, the 
fifth son of General Arnold. 

In the same letter to Pichard, from which I have already 
quoted, Mrs. Arnold, alluding to the capture of the ship 

1. Manuscript letter, Aug., 1794. 

2. The Geutlemau's Magazine, Aug., 1794. Vol. LXIV. p, 685. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 387 

and cargo before refei-red to, and other losses, says : " I am 
extremely distressed to find that your father is likely to be 
so ill-rewarded for all the risks he has run. * * * ^ 
There seems to be a cruel fatality attending all his exer- 
tions." 

Speaking of Henry, the younger brother of Eichard, she 
says : 

"I suppose my dear Henry is long ere this in the West Indies; I 
scarcely know whether or not to wish it, as, though I think his prospects 
in going- very good, yet the fever that rages there proves so fatal to young 
people, that I dread his falling a victim to it. * * * " 

She recommends Richard, then at 'New Haven, Connec- 
ticut, " not to meddle 'with the politics of the country, and 
to avoid writing to any one on the subject." She adds : 

" We have not heard from poor Ben (General Arnold's oldest son by 
his first wife) for a long time past, and have reason to fear he is a pris- 
oner, as about 6,000 English are now in that situation in France, and 
those who previous to the war resided there; have been told they are very 
well treated, but I think I have now got things in a train to get certain 
information of him, and to furnish him with money. 

" Should you wish to forward me your certificate and draw for your 
half- pay, I will attend to your business.^ 

"Edward, James and George are all at school, and coming on very 
well; they and Sophia send their tender love to you. The latter is re- 
markably handsome, and promises to make a very fine woman." 

Wliile in the West Indies at another time, engaged in 
commerce. General Arnold was himself taken prisoner by 
the French, and although not known as a British officer, he 
was put on board a French prison-ship. He learned from 
a sentinel that he was suspected of being other than he ap- 
peared, and in great danger. At night he let himself down 
from the side of the ship, and by the aid of some planks, 
used as a raft, reached a small boat, in which he escaped to 
the English. 

1. Both Richard and Henry were commissioned by Sir Henry Clinton as lieuten- 
anis of cavalry in the American Legion, raised by General Arnold, and were now 
receiving half-pay, as retired officers. 



k 



388 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

He rendered great service to Sir Charles Grej, command- 
ing on that station,^ in consideration whereof, and of other 
services to the government, he received in August, 1795, 
from Gilbert Franklin, Chairman of the Committee of 
West India planters and merchants, resolutions of thei 
Standing Committee, expressing their high appreciation and 
approbation of his conduct in the West Indies, and the wish 
that he might be further employed in the public service. "^ 

In December, 1796, General Arnold conceived a plan for 
the capture by the British of the Spanish possessions in the 
West Indies. This plan, through the kindness of his friend, 
Lord Cornwallis, was laid before Mr. Pitt, then Prime Min- 
ister. I have now before me the draft of a letter to Corn- 
w^allis, in which General Arnold says: 

1. See Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XC, p. 670. 

2. The following is a copy of the resolution, and Gen. Arnold's reply to th3 Chair- 
man of the Committee : 

''Resolved, That the standing committee of the West India planters and mer- 
chants, beg leave to return him (Gen. A.) their thanks; that they are fully sen- 
sible of his services in the West Indies, and feel themselves particularly obliged 
by his exertions, at the request of the commander in-chief, which were attended, 
with such beneficial effects, in covering the retreat of the troops at Gaudaloupe, and 
they cannr-t refrain from expressing their concern at his having quitted the Islands 
at a time when their safety is in the utmost hazard, and they teg leave to assure 
him it would give them the most entire satisfaction to find he was again in a situ- 
ation to render further service to his Majesty in that part of the world." 

" Queen Ann St. E., Aug. 1st, 1795. 

"Sir.— I have had the honor of receiving your very obliging letter of this day, 

enclosing a copy of a resolution of the standing committee of the West India 

planters and merchants, expressive of their appreciation of my conduct in the 

West Indies, and a wish for my being further employed. The approbation of so 

very respectable a body of gentlemen cannot fail of being highly gratifying tome, 

and I beg you will dome the favor of returning them my sincere thanks for the 

honor they have done me, and assure them that nothing would afford me greater 

pleasure than having an opportunity of rendering them essential service in the 

West Indies. 

"I have the honor to be, 

*' With great respect and esteem, 

"Sir, your most obedient 

" And humble Servant, 

"B. Arnold, 
" To Gilbert Franklin, 

" chairman of the Standing Committee 

" Of the West India Planters and Merchants." 



HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 389 

" I beg you will accept my thanks for your friendly attention in speak- 
ing- to Mr. Pitt on the subject of my plan, which the more I consider it 
the more important it appears to me in its consequences. * * * "I 
will pledge myself, with such a covering fleet as I have mentioned, and 
5,000 effective men, to begin operations; 1 will raise so formidable an 
army of the natives, Creoles, and people of colour, that no force that Spain 
has there, or can send to that country, will be able to resist or prevent 
their freeing the country from the Spanish Government. Permit me to 
request the favor, my Lord, should there appear a favorible opertunity 
to carry such plan into effect, that you will have the goodness to remind 
Mr. Pitt of it, & my wishes to be employed in it." ^ 

In the following year, 1797, Arnold addressed a letter to 
Earl Spencer, of the British cabinet, in which he says: 

" Having had some experience in conducting naval as well as militaiy 
affairs, 1 think it my duty at this alarming crisis, to tender my services 
to your Lordship, to be employ e.l as you may think proper.'' ^ 

In 1798, the King of Great Britain granted to General 
Arnold and to his family 18,400 acres of land, to be selected 
from the Waste Lands of the Crown in Upper Canada. It 
is recited in the letter of the Duke of Portland, Secretary of 
State, to President Russell, of Canada, that " his (Arnold's) 
very gallant and meritorious service at Gnadaloupe, in the 
present war," has induced his majesty to dispense with the 
condition requiring his residence in Canada.^ 

While General Arnold was in the West Indies, the war 
between Great Britain and France was waged with great 

1. Manuscript Letter of Dec 29, 1796. 

2. Manuscript Letter of June l, 1797. 

3. Manuscript letter from the Duke of Portland, Secretary of State for the Home 
Department, to President Russell. Canada, dated— 

'• Whitehall," June 12, 1798, in which he says : 

" His (Arnold's) very gallant and meritorious conduct at Gaudeloupe, in the pres- 
ent war, has induced his Majesty, in consequence of the General's situation and that 
of his family here, to dispense in this instance, with that part of the Royal instruc- 
tions, which would require the residence of the General and that of his family in 
the Province. 

" You will therefore make out the grants to the General and his family, on the 
usual terms and conditions— that of residence alone excepted. 

"lam, &c., 

" Portland." 



390 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

vigor, and party spirit raged in England witli extreme vio- 
lence. Great excitement prevailed, and when, in 1798, all 
England was arming against the French, the martial spirit 
of Arnold was once more thoroughly roused, and he made 
a last, most earnest and pressing appeal, through the Duke 
of York, for active service. Like an old war-horse when he 
hears the sound of the bugle, he was again fired with mili- 
tary ardor. 

He addressed the following letter to his Eoyal Highness, 
the Duke of York, then commanding the British armies: 

"Gloucester Place, 

"April 22, 1798. 
" Sir: 

" At this important crisis, I feel it a duty that I owe both to the pub- 
lic and to myself, to offer my services to your Royal Highness in anyway 
that I can be most useful to the country. 

" I have the honor to be most Respectfully, Sir, 

" Your Royal Highness' most Obedient 

" And most devoted Humble Servant, 

" B. Arnold.^ 
" His Royal Highness, 
" The Duke op York, 

"&c., &c., &c." 

This appeal was in vain. For reasons already given, he 
was apprised that his offer of service could not be accepted, 
and he sadly and bitterly realized that he could no longer 
hope for active service in the British army. 

If there had been any desperate duty involving the most 
hazardous personal exposure, any " forlorn hope " to have 
been led, he was the man, and in the mood, to have led it 
to victory or death. He begged for service in the West 
Indies, where unacclimated officers were dying in great num- 
bers from disease. He would have gladly welcomed death on 
any field of battle. He was now made to feel more keenly 

1. The original draft of the letter is before me, furnished by Rev. Edward Glad- 
win Arnold. 



HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 391 

than ever, the full extent of his sacrifice, his blunder and 
his crime. Returning from an unsuccessful personal appli- 
cation at the war-office, he said to his wife, ''They will not 
give me a chance to seek a soldier's death." 

AVith a crushed heart, he felt the utter ruin of all his 
ambitious hopes. 

" Oh, now, forever, 
****** 

Farewell, the phimed troop, and the big wars, 

That make ambition virtue! 0, farewell! 

Farewell, the neighing steed, and the shrill trump, 

The spirit-stirring drum, the ear piercing fife, 

The royal banner, and all quality. 

Pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war. 
* * * * * * 

Othello's occupation 's gone! " 

From this time on to his death, he was a changed man. 
He lingered after this blow for about two years, but during 
the remainder of his life he was subject to periods of moody 
melancholy and deep dejection. He sought excitement in 
desperate adventures, to restore his shattered fortunes. 

Against the advice and entreaties of his wife, he was active 
in fitting out privateers against Fi-ance, involving large ex- 
penditures and great hazards. The little that is known of 
the details of these, his last years, is gathered from the 
letters of his wife and children. Whatever indignities he 
received abroad, whatever of regret, or remorse he suffered, 
his wife and children did all that was possible to soothe and 
comfort a bitterly disappointed and unhappy man ; and in 
their perfect union and affection, and in their devotion to 
him, he found his best consolation for his many troubles. 
His elder sons were being educated at the government mili- 
tary school. Earl Cornwallis had already manifested his 
kind interest in their ])ehalf. 

In December, 1799, Arnold's extreme solicitude to secure 
for his son George, then a lad of twelve, a place in the In- 



\ 



392 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

dia service, induced liim to write to Lord Cornwallis beg- 
ging his further aid/ 

This appeal was not in vain, Mrs. Arnold, writing to 
her step-sons in Canada, says: " George has lately been ad- 
initted into the Eoyal Academy, through the interest of the 
Marquis Cornwallis, and is educating for India." 

In one of his northern campaigns in America, between 
1775 and 1777, General Arnold became the father of an 
illegitimate son. The circumstances of his association with 
the mother — how much of romance and sentiment and what 
of wrong — are all involved in obscurity. I can only state 
that in all the vicissitudes of his life, and amidst all liis 
changing fortunes, in adversity as well as in prosperity, this 
son was never forgotten. Provision was made for his main- 
tenance and education, and he was remembered in General 
Arnold's will. After his marriage, the conduct of General 
Arnold in his domestic relations was without reproach, and 
for more than twenty years of married life, his devotion and 
fidelity were such as to secure from Mrs. Arnold the utmost 
confidence and affection. She always spoke of him as the 
best of husbands, and it was an incident of her life, w^hich 
illustrates her noble character, that she herself took care 

1. The following is the letter of General Arnold: 

" London, Dec. 10, 1799. 
" My Loed : 

'• Nothing but ray very great confidence in your Lordship's goodness, Avhich I have 
experienced on so many occasions, and my extreme solicitude to make provision 
for my son, would induce me to again take the libertj'' of troubling your Lordbhip. 
"He is extremely anxious to go to India, and having failed in my endeavours to 
procure him a writership, he has for some time past been qualifying himself as an 
engineer, in which he has made great proficiency, and proposes spending the win- 
ter in studying with the master of the Academy at Woolwich, and has no doubt, in 
a few months, of procuring their testamonials of his being perfectly qualified for 
the situation. Your Lordship was once kind enough to offer him a Cadetship to 
India, and the offer has lately been repeated by a friend here, which he will accept 
provided he can be assured of the respect with which I have the honor to be 
"Your Lordship's 

" Most obedient and humble Servant, 

"B. Arnold. 
" Lord Cornwallis." 
—'Historical Magazine,' Aug., 1870, Vol VIIl, iVo. 2, p. 110. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 393 

that the provision made bj lier husband in his will, for this 
son, was scrupulously carried into effect, even at the expense 
of her own more happy and fortunate children. 

In May, 1796, writing to her father, Mrs. Arnold says: 

" I am extremely impatient for the arrival of your picture, which I hope 
is on its way; you could not have bestowed upon me so valuable a gifV 

** Repining is useless, but it is surely a hard lot, to be separated from 
all my relations : do not suffer absence to weaken your affection for me, 
and believe, that though fate has deprived me of the happiness of con- 
tributing to the comfort of your later days, I would sacrifice almost my 
life to render them easy and free from care and pain." ^ 

As time passed on, the bitter disappointments, cares and 
embarrassments of General Arnold pressed heavily upon 
him, and his strong physique and hardy frame began to 
sliow signs of breaking up. He became more and more the 
subject of nervous disease — sleep fled from him, and on the 
14th of June, 1801, he died at his residence in London, ^ 
aged sixty years. A letter of a friend of the family to Chief 
Justice Shippen, gives some details of the event: 

" It is the request of my tenderly beloved friend, your deeply afflicted 
daughter, that I should inform you of the melancholy change which has 
taken place in her situation by the death of her ever dear and honored 
husband. General Arnold died on the 14th inst. (June), at half-past six 
in the morning. His health has been in a declining state for several 
months, but the danger which awaited him his poor wife was not fully 
aware of, from the flattering assurances constantly given her by the Phy- 
sician who attended. * * * 

"My sister and myself were with Mrs. Arnold when her husband ex- 
pired, and we shall not be separated from her for some time, and there is 
not any attention which friendship and aflfection can suggest to soothe 
and soften her sorrows, which shall be omitted. 

" She evinces upon this occasion, as you know she has djfie upon many 
trying ones before, that fortitude and resignation, which a superior and 
well-regulated mind only is capable of exerting." * 

1. A portrait of Chief Justice Shippen, by Stuart. 

2. Manuscript letter from Mrs. A. to her father. 

3. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Ann Fitch, to Chief Justice Shippen. 



391 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD. 

On the first of Jul}^ thereafter, Mrs. Arnold wrote to 
Kichard and Henry, announcing their father's death. She 
sajs: 

" Your dear Father, whose long declining state of health you have been 
acquainted with, is no mora. In him his family have lost an affectionate 
husband. Father and friend: and to his exertions to make a provision for 
them may be attributed the loss of his life. His last unsuccessful specula- 
tion, with the mortification and distress attending it, pressed heavily upon 
him, and for many months before his death, he never lay two hours of a 
night in his bed, and he had every dreadful nervous symptom, attended 
with great difficulty of breathing, that can possibly be imagined. I had 
flattered myself that a favorable change in his circumstances, which would 
restore peace to his mind, and enable him to get a horse, and go into the 
country, and resume his favorite exercise of horse- back riding, would 
renovate his health, but the wished-for change never took placs, but on 
the contrary lie had heavy demands upon him from different quarters. 

*' On the 8th of June he became much worse, and suffered greatly for 
several days,and on Sunday,the 14tb,at halfpast six o'clock in the morning, 
expired without a groan. For same days previous to his death he had 
but short intervals of reason, >yhen the distressed situation of his family 
preyed greatly on his mind, and he was constantly imploring blessings 
upon them."^ 

At the same time, Mrs. Arnold wrote to General Arnold's 
sister, Hannah, giving an account of her husband's last sick- 
ness and death, and saying that in his last hours, she (the 
sister) was not forgotten ; and she adds: 

" His last moments were embittered by apprehensions of the distress 
which you might suffer, if, as he feared, his Estate might be left in a 
condition to render the continuance of your pension impossible; but I 
assure you that so long as my own pension from the government is paid, 
or so long as I have the mea,ns from any source, your pension shall be con- 
tinued." 

It is said that in those varying moments of consciousness 
and delirium which often immediately precede death, the 
mind is more apt to recall the earlier rather than tlie later 
scenes and incidents of life. This I have reason to believe 

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, to Richard and Henry, datci Jaly 1, 801. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 895 

was true in the case of General Arnold. It will be remem- 
bered that when at West Point, on the morning of his 
flight, on hearing of Andre's capture, Arnold was at break- 
fast at his head-quarters, on the Hudson. He had expected 
Washington to breakfast with him, and Colonel Hamilton, 
the aid of Washington, and others were at his table. He 
was in the full uniform of a Major-General of the Conti- 
nental army. It was in this uniform that he escaped to the 
Yulture; it was in this dress (for he had no other clothes 
with him) that he arrived in New York.^ 

This uniform, associated with his military life before his 
desertion, he carefully preserved, and took with him to 
England. Tradition says, that as death drew near, after 
one of those short intervals of reason, "when the distressed 
condition of his family preyed greatly on his mind," and 
he was, as Mrs. Arnold writes, " imploring blessings upon 
his children," his mind wandered, again, and in imagination 
he seemed to be fighting his battles over, he called for his 
old uniform, and desired to put it on, saying, "Bring me, I 
beg you, the epaulettes and sword-knots which Washington 
gave me ; let me die in my old American uniform, the uni- 
form in which I fought my battles." 

" God forgive me," he muttered, " for ever putting on 
any other." 

Thus, in bitter distress, in self-reproach, in poverty, died 
Benedict Arnold. 

His example will never produce another traitor! There 
is no character in history, nor is there any in poetry or fic- 
tion, better calculated to teach and illustrate the beauty and 
the wisdom of fidelity, and the infamy and the folly of 
treachery, than his. Oil, chief among the virtues, is fidelity 
based on intemtv. "Faithful to his trust!" "Faithful 

1. See his letter to Washington, asking that his clothes might be sent to him, 
and offering to pay for them, heretofore quoted. 



396 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

unto death !" '' Faithful and true !" These are the no- 
blest words in all the legends of chivalry/ General Arnold 
did well, after betraying his trust and deceiving Washing- 
ton, to erase from his family arms the word " Glory," and 
write in place of it " Despair.'^'' 

In doing this, he indicated how gladly he would have 
washed out his gnilt w^ith his own blood. 

All Americans have been tanght to think of him only as 
a traitor. I appeal to a just and generous people to re- 
member that he was ?i patriot also ; that no one ever shed 
his blood more freely for the liberties of his country, and 
that it was Washington who declared no more brave, active, 
spirited, no more sensible officer " filled any ^^lace " in the 
Revolutionary army. 

In regard to his character, I have little to add to what has 
been said in the progress of this work. As a soldier he 
exhibited a superb courage, that was never surpassed, and 
which made him the idol of his men. He possessed an en- 
durance, a capacity for leadership, an ability for organiza- 
tion, a power over men, a fertility of invention, a coolness 
in danger, and a quickness of perception, which marked him 
as among the best, if not the very best fighting general of 
the He volution ary war.^ 

He was a man of violent passions, and impatient of con- 
trol, but towards his friends, his mother, his sister, his wife, 
his children, his heart was gentle and most affectionate, and 
he died, as Mrs. Arnold says, a sacrifice to his efiforts in 
their behalf, and " imploring blessings " upon them. He 
was extravagant and improvident in his habits, but liberal 
and generous to his friends. He was proud, and very sensi- 

1. " Fidelete est de Dieu" 

2. The following extravagant eulogy is by an English -writer: 

" Arnold displayed more real military genius and inspiration, than all the gener- 
als put together, on both sides, engaged in the war, with the most undaunted per- 
sonal courage."— iuii:Ws History of England, Vol. I, N. ^'.p. 430. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 397 

tive to personal wrongs, and I repeat what I said early in 
this work, if Washington had been invested with the un- 
controlled power of appointments and promotion in his 
army, history would never have repoi^ed " traitor^'' opposite 
the name of Benedict Arnold. ^ 

The Ibllowing extract from a letter of Mrs. Arnold to 
Eichard and Henry, her step-sons, in Canada, written not 
long after their father's death, shows the affection which 
pervaded the family, and their reverence for his memory. 
Speaking of her management of his affairs, she says: 

" My conduct has been dictated by regard to you, respect to your dear 
Father's memory, and an earnest desire to act with uprightness, feeling 
and tenderness. Although I had much to be thankful for during your 
Father's lifetime, I had much to struggle with; the sohcitude he felt to 
make a handsome provision for all his family, often involved him in diffi- 
culties, and eventually proved the cause of his death. * * * 

" But the solicitude was in itself so praiseworthy, and so disinterested, 
and never induced him to deviate from rectitude, that his children should 
ever reverence his memory; and for myself, I am determined in my con- 
duct to them, to do everything which I think would be pleasing to him, 
could he view the actions of those he has left behind." 

It seems that his sons in Canada, in ignorance of their 
father's embarrassments, had without much consideration, 
uttered some complaints against him, which, when i\\ej 
came to understand all the facts, pained them, and for which 
they bitterly reproached themselves. 

Mrs. Arnold's reply to their self-reproaches is so beauti- 
ful, and the sentiments expressed so noble, that although in 
a private family letter, I cannot forbear quoting a few para- 
graphs. She says: 

'* It is certainly greatly to be regretted, that you so little know your 
dear Father's heart, his motives, and embarrassed circumstances, 'as to be 
induced to write to him in a style to wound and distress him, and now to 
cause bitter self-reproach to yourselves — but as the evil is now irremedia- 
ble I beg you will not suffer it to corrode your future happiness. We are 
all frail mortals, and sincere repentance is the first step to amendment. 



398 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

"Your clear leather forgave and blessed you. God will accept your 
contrition, and I will not only destroy the proofs in my possession, of 
your misguided judgment, but will endeavor to attribute it to the distress 
of your minds at the time, and as much as possible lose all recollections 
of it. It will afford me sincere pleasure to be of service to you, not only as 
the children of him whom I loved, but I trust from your future conduct; 
at present my means of befriending anybody are but slender, but if I live, 
my Father and my sons may enable me better to gratify the feelings of 
my heart. 

" I am sorry you have had so much to encounter in settling your farms, 
and that you are still struggling with many hardships." 

She recommends " perseverance, and in a little while," 
she says, " you will enjoy the fruits of your hard labor. " 

She closes this part of her letter by saying, " Should for- 
tune smile upon the exertions of my excellent sons, you will 
find in them BfotliersP ^ 

This assurance was, as we shall see hereafter, abundantly 
verified. 

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold to Richard and Henry Arnold. 



CHAPTEE XXIV. 

THE FAMILY OF GENERAL ARNOLD. 

"1 have rescued your Father's memory from disrespect by paying all his just 
debts."— i/rs, Arnold to her children. 

Mrs Arnold's Executive Ability— She Settles General Arnold's Estate, and 
Pays his Debts— Educates her Children, and Procures for hkrSons Commis- 
sions IN the Army— Her Death— The Arnold Family in Canada—'' Poor 
Ben's" Death from a Wound Received in Battle— The Family in England 
— All the Sons in the Public Service— James Appointed Military Aid to the 
King— Attains the Rank of Lieut. General— A Grandson Killed at cebas- 

TOPOL. 

The extracts from the letters of Mrs. Arnold already 
given, and her conduct already detailed, show that with her 
affectionate heart, her clear good sense, and almost unerring 
judgment, she united great executive ability. General 
Arnold left his affairs in a very embarrassed and complicated 
condition : heavy debts had been pressing upon him, rude 
creditors and unscrupulous claimants had been annoying 
him, and his means were very limited. 

In delicate health, with young children demanding her 
care, Mrs. Arnold was now to assume the heavy burden of 
settling his estate. In her letter to Kichard and Henry, an- 
nouncing their father's death, she says,' 

*',I shall send you a copy of your Father's will, if I can possibly copy it, 
by this opportunity; if not, in a few days; I have not yet proved it, but 
shall as soon as I am able to return to town." 

]. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, July 1, 1801. 

(399) 



400 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

He had made her his executrix, and left his estate in her 
hands. She says; 

" Your Father was obliged to sell the lease of the house before his 
death, to make provisions for the payment of his accepted bills, not having 
it in his power to raise the money in any other way. * * 

"I have not yet heard from Edward: James is in Egypt (in the army), 
exposed to the greatest danger, but he writes in good spirits: your sister 
is in great affliction and ill-health. In short, we are a wretched family, 
and in addition to our severe loss, we shall have pecuniary distress to 
contend with." 

I cannot describe the difficulties with which this heroic 
woman struggled so well, as by quoting from her own letters. 
She had proved the will, and assumed the responsibility of 
executrix, and in November, 1802, she writes to Eicliard 
and Henry, saying: 

" I have just received your affectionate letters of June 28th, and am 
much obliged for the kind concern you express for me and my children. 
* * * 

" I very early informed you, that in undertaking the settlement of the 
most troublesome business that ever devolved upon a female, I had not 
been actuated in the smallest degree by the hope of benefiting myself or 
my children ; that I was induced to do it only from respect to your 
Father's memory — the certainty that I could do more justice to others 
than any other person could, and the wish to prevent all private letters 
from falling into the hands of strangers." 

After describing the dangerous effects of her exertions 
upon her health, she says: 

"But thanks to the goodness of God, I am restored to serenity and 
the power of exertion, and I shall perseveringly go on in the arduous task 
I have undertaken; the only recompense will be the consciousness that I 
have done my daty. 

" I have been under the necessity of parting with my furniture, wine, 
and many other comforts provided for me by the indulgent hand of affec- 
tion; and have by these sacrifices paid all the ascertained dehts, within 
a few hundred pounds, and hope to be enabled to discharge the remain- 
der, and to pay a part of the legacies, provided a demand to a large 
amount, made by a Swede for the detention of his Vessel, is not substan- 
tiated. I have a hint that this has been decided against us; if so, I have 



HIS PATRI0TIS3I AXD HIS TREASON. 401 

the mortification of knowing- that neither myself nor my children will 
ever have the value of a guinea from their dear Father's property, and 
that even the uncommon liberality of my Sons in giving up their pen- 
sions for the use of the family, has been of no avail. But these things 
are wisely ordained by the Almighty for some good purpose, and His jus- 
tice and mercy we cannot doubt. A few months will bring- things near 
to a close, when I will give you every particular. 

"While I have the means of preventing it, [ will never suffer the sis- 
ter of my husband to want, and shall supply her from my own little in- 
come with what is necessary for her. I approve highly of her residing 
with you in future. * * 

'•My dear Edward is one of the most noble of youths; he writes san- 
guinely of his prospects in India; from his pay he insists upon taking 
upon himself the entire expense of little William's education; he had 
before made over his pension irrevocably to his sister. Dear James is 
equally generous and disinterested, and is now living with great difficulty 
upon his pay, that bis pension may be appropriated to the use of the fam- 
ily. My dear girl is all that is amiable and excellent, and George and 
William promise fair to emulate the example of their elder brothers. 
Such children compensate for a thousand ills." 

In the same letter she writes in regard to the lands in 
Canada, which had been granted to General Arnold and his 
lainilj. He had authorized his sons, Richard and Henry, 
to locate these lands, an anthoritj coniirmed by Mrs. Ar- 
nold after her husband's death. She now asks them " to 
do everything in their power to get them located in the best 
situations and on the best terms possible. '^ All necessary 
expenses I will thankfully repay." 

" Your poor Father thought these lands an object, and expended a 
great deal of interest and trouble in procuring them. Everything de- 
pends on their judicious location. * * * 

" I am now living in a very small house in Bryanston Street, using 
furniture purchased from Carlow (a servant), who is now a more inde- 
pendant woman than her mistress. * * * My Father is very 
good to me; but for his aid, I should have suffered still more wretched- 
ness. He and my Sisters are very desirous of my going to reside with 
them, but my anxiety to get your little brothers on in life, will deprive 
me of this gratification. 1 have placed Gaorge at the New Koyal Mili- 
tary College, to which he was appointed (through the interest of the 

26 



402 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

Marquis Comwallis) by the India Company, who will pay half the ex- 
penses of his education, he being* designed for their Service. It is a most 
excellent Seminary, and embraces every part of education necessary to 
to form the soldier and the gentleman. 

" I shall write to your aunt by this packet." * 

In another letter she sa^^s: 

" I have been so fortunate, through the interest of the Marquis Com- 
wallis, to get George into the Royal Military College, nominated by the 
East India Company, who defray half the expense, which is ninety guineas 
per annum. They (the boys) are taught everything that can form the 
soldier and the gentleman, riding, fencing, and every other accomplish- 
ment, with the Oriental languages, which is very important, and brings 
them into much notice. 

"George's character stands very high.'' 

In July, 1803, this admirable mother writes to her " Dear 
Sons" in Canada, saying: "I have written you very fully 
respecting the Canada lands, and sent you a power of attor- 
ney to act in the business." She speaks of her greatly im- 
paired health, and says she was to "have a consultation of 
Physicians two days hence. * * '" " 

" God knows how it (her disease) will terminate; I am endeavouring to 
prepare my mind for the worst, but when I reflect upon the unprotected 
state of my children, whose welfare so greatly depends upon my exer- 
tions for them, I am almost deprived of that fortitude so essential to my 
own support. * * * 

" I have from time to time given you an account of your dear Father's 
affairs. I have nearly accomplished what I am convinced no other per- 
son could have done — the payment of all the just debts. 

" I have lately had several demands made upon me en account of the 
Vile Privateers, which I know not whether I can resist, or even if they 
are just. 

" The claim of the Swede for the detention of his vessel and total loss 
of his cargo, is in the Court of Admiralty. 

" You can form not the smallest idea of the trouble and perplexity in 
which I have been involved. The only reward is, the having saved you 
from distress, and the gratification of having paid all your dear Father's 
just debts, so that no reflection on that score can ever be cast upon his 
memory. 

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, Nov. 5, 1802. 



HIS pateiotis:m and his treason. 403 

" I am uneasy at not hearing from your aunt for a long time; I am 
fearful she may be in distress for money. I have written repeatedly to 
her, and requested her to draw on me for twenty-four pounds, which I 
will endeavor to allow her annually. 

'• I have heard lately from Edward, who had just had a severe action 
with the array of one of the native chiefs. James is now on his passage 
to the West Indies; George is at the Royal Military school, and if I live, 
will go to the East Indies next year. Your sister is with me, and little 
William goes to the school at which all his brothers were educated." ^ 

In a letter written tlie same year to her sons in Canada, 
she says: 

" I feel gratified by your affectionate anxiety for me, and am happy to 
have it in my power to relieve it, by assuring you that I am infinitely bet- 
ter, and thank God, restored to a good degree of comfort. * * A variety 
of the most agonizing scenes, followed by a press of the most harrassing 
business, had nearly subdued that fortitude which never before forsook 
me. 

" The excellence of my children is a never- failing source of delight to 
me, and the kindness I experience from my friends, tends to make me 
much less sensible of the material change in my situation. 

" The situation of your dear Father's affairs has made it necessary for 
me to have the most trifling article disposed of, or valued and paid for by 
myself — this has extended even to his clothing." 

" The Sivede has not withdrawn his claim — but does not press it with 
much vigor." 

After speaking in detail of all her children, she says, "No 
mother was ever more blessed in good children than I am." 

"I shall send you by Mr. Morley some of your dear Father's hair, his 
seal with Ms Arms, and sleeve-buttons, knee and stock-buckles, kc, &c,, 
which as having been long worn by him, will I doubt not be valued by you. " 

In August, 1803, Mrs. Arnold writes,"! have the greatest satisfaction 
in informing you that the long pending Admiralty cause of the Swedish 
ship is decided, and in our favor. Their claim was for the loss of the 
ship, cargo, and two years' detention. Had they succeeded, ten times the 
property I have would not have sat'isfied their demand." 

She adds, " Upon this decision everything depended, and until it was 
given, it was impossible to bring the business to a close." 

After speaking in detail of her difficulties, she adds: 

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, July 27. 1S03. 



404 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

*' Althougli I have suffered, in ni}'' choice of evils, ahaost beyond 
human endurance, I now repent not at having made it. 

" To you I have rendered an essential service; I have rescued your 
Father's memory from disrespect, by paying all his just debts; and his 
Children will nOw never have the mortification of being reproached with 
his speculations having injured anybody beyond his own family; and his 
motives, not the unfortunate termination, will be considered by them, 
and his memory will be doubly dear to them. 

"It has been a dreadful business, and minute as I have been in my 
detail, it is quite impossible for j^ou to form an idea of what I have had 
to encounter, besides the sacrifice of all my accustomed comforts. I have 
not even a tea-spoon, a towel, or a bottle of wine, that I have not paid 
for. But having nearly completed my graat work, I was beginning to 
enjoy some degree of comfort, to which however my ill health is a great 
interruption. 

" And now to the important business of the Canada lands. I am 
very glad to hear that the difficulty of the grant is overcome — more par- 
ticularly as I understand, that if they are judiciously located they will 
certainly be of considerable value." ^ 

Tlie letters above quoted, from Mrs. Arnold to Richard 
and Henry, speak more eloquently tlian any words I could 
use, of her most estimable character. 

In some earlier letters she referred most aiFectionately 
on several occasions to "Poor Ben," General Arnold's oldest 
son. On his father's defection, he, as well as Richard and 
Henry, although so young, received commissions from the 
British government. Benedict saw active service as an 
officer in the artillery. He died October 24:th, 1795, at Iron 
Shore, on the north side of the island of Jamaica, in the 
West Indies, aged twenty-seven years. He had been se- 
verely wounded in the leg, in a recent action, and refusing 
to have the leg amputated, the wound resulted in his 
death. 

In a letter of Mrs. Arnold to Richard, written after the 
General's death, she says: "I shall send, when a good op- 
portunity occurs, some few things belonging to your Father; 

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. A.ruold, dated Clay Hall, Old Windsor, Aug. 1S03. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 405 

also your poor brother Ben's sword, which Sir Grenville 
Temple brought from the West Indies, and gave to your 
Father." » 

Both Richard and Henry were commissioned as lieuten- 
ants of cavah'y in the American Legion, raised by tlieir 
father in 1780, as before stated, and afterwards received 
from the British government half-pay as retired officers. 

Richard married Margaret Weatherhead, daughter of 
Samuel Weatherhead, Esq., of Augusta, Upper Canada, 
December 30th, 1804, and left a large and highly respecta- 
ble family of sons and daughters. 

Henry, the third son of General Arnold by his first wife? 
married Hannah Ten Eyck, daughter of Richard TenEyck, 
of New York, December 4th, 1796. He died in the city 
of New York, Dec. 8th, 1826, and left a respectable family. 

Hannah, their aunt, and the only sister of General Ar- 
nold, as has been stated, spent the later years of her life 
with her nephews Henry and Richard, and died at the house 
of Henry, at Montigue, Canada, August 81st, 1803.^^ 

She was unusually tall, of a very graceful figure, blonde 
hair, with bluish gray eyes. She was a woman of much 
more than ordinary ability, high-sj)irited, warm-hearted 
and sincere, faithful to her friends, and devotedlj^ attached 
to her brother and his children;^ she was a staunch Presby- 
terian, and that was the religion of the family, until the 

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, 1802. 

As an illustration of the injustice done to Arnold and his family, and visiting 
'•the sins of the father upon the children," Sabine, in his " Loyalists of the Ameri- 
can Revolution," speaking of the eldest son, says : " Benedict was an officer of ar- 
tillery in the British army, who, itis believed, was compelled to quit the service." 
—Vol. I, p. 182. 

And even Mr. Sparks says, " He was a violent, headstrong youth, and it is supposed 
came to an untimely end."— SpnrSs' Life of Arnold, p.lQ. 

" Poor Ben," as Mrs. Arnold calls him, was not compelled to quit the service ; he 
may have come to an " untimely end," but it was from a wound received in battle. 

2. Records of Family of Henry Arnold. 

3. Manuscript Letter of Rev. J. L. Leake. 



403 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD. 

marriage of General Arnold with Miss SLippen, who be- 
longed to the Anglican Church; after this marriage, he and 
all his family bj his second wife, became members of the 
English Episcopal Church. 

Mrs. Arnold, who after the death of her husband, seemed 
to cling to life only that she might serve her children, had 
the pleasure of seeing her son George litted out for the In- 
dia service; so that all her children, except her daughter and 
the lad William, were provided for and settled in life. She 
died in London, August 24, 1804, aged forty-four years. 

There is a portrait of her, and of her oldest son when a 
child, by Sir Thomas Lawrence, showing that the tradi- 
tions of her extraordinary beauty, did her no more than 
justice. 

This admirable woman was, it seems to me, an almost 
perfect wife and mother, and I cannot discover that she ever 
did an act, or wrote a word, that w^ould bring a blush to the 
cheek of the most sensitive American. On the contrary, 
in the circles in which she moved, and in the difficult posi- 
tion she occupied as the wife of General Arnold, she bore 
herself with a dignity and grace, and with a modesty, sin- 
cerity and truth, of wdiich any people might be justly 
proud. 

Those who have read her letters will have learned some- 
thing of her character, and I hazard nothing in saying that 
the reader will agree with me that the charge made by 
Aaron Burr, that Mrs. Arnold seduced her husband to his 
fall, is untrue. 

General Arnold left surviving him by his second wife 
four sons and one daughter. The three older sons, Edward 
Shippen, James Bobertson, and George, were at the time of 
Mrs. Arnold's death, in the public service; and the young- 
est, William, was at school preparing himself for the life 
of a soldier, so that Mrs. Arnold left a family of soldiers. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 407 

A brief sketch of tlieir liv^es and tlie life of tlicir sister, 
Sophia Matilda, and some extracts from fixmily letters, illus- 
trative of their characters, will, I think, be interesting. 

The eldest, Edward Shippen, born in Philadelphia, 19th 
of March, 1780, and on the birth of whom General and 
Mrs. Arnold received the congratulations of General and 
Lady Washington,' commenced his military life as Lieuten- 
ant in the 6th Bengal cavalry. He was promoted to the 
position of paymaster, and disbursed, with the utmost 
fidelity and scrupulous care, immense sums of money. He 
died at Dinapoor, Bengal, Dec. 17,1813. 

His moral character was without a stain : he was un- 
wearied in acts of beneficence. In the fearful famine, which 
prevailed in the ISTorthern India provinces, while he was in 
India, the wealth w^hich his industry, capacity, and provi- 
dence had accumulated, his generous liberality induced him 
to dispones freely among the suffering people of Muttra, on 
whom he bestowed secretly large sums, in food, throuo-h the 
agency of a native : and so unostentatiously was this done, 
that it was not known to his friends and family until after 
his deatli.'^ 

The beauty of his domestic character, and his devotion to 
his mother, his brothers and sister, fully appears in the 
family correspondence. 

James Robertson^ born in I^ewYork, August 28th 1781, 
married March 21st 1807, Virginia Goodrich, fourth daugh- 
ter of Bartlett Goodrich, Esq., of Saling Grove, Isle of Wight. 
He entered the Corps of Koyal Engineers in 1798, and served 
as an officer for more than half a century, rising by merit 
to the rank of Lieutenant-General. He served through all 
the wars of England against France, at the close of the last 
and early part of the present century. In 1800 he was 

1. Letter of Washinpton to Arnold, March L'8th, 1780. 

2, Eev. Edward Gladwin Arnold— Manuscript letter. 



408 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

present and in active service at the blockade and surrender 
of Malta. In 1801 he participated in the campaign inEgvpt.' 

He was engaged in the capture of Aboukir Castle, in the 
battle of Alexandria, and the expulsion of the French from 
Grand Cairo. Afterwards he served in the West Indies, and 
took part in the conquest of the colonies of Demerara, 
Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam. At Surinam he success- 
fully led the storming party against the redoubt Frederic and 
Fort Leyden. An incident connected with the storming of 
this redoubt has been told by a connection of Lieutenant 
General Arnold, the truth of which, although I cannot vouch 
for, I have no reason to doubt. 

When the British commander determined to storm the 
redoubt, knowing the extreme danger which would be en- 
(;ountered by the attacking part}^, and unwilling to order 
liis officers to almost certain death, he called for volunteers 
to lead the assault. Several young officers volunteered, and 
among them Arnold; and before the selection was made, he 
said to tlie commander: " I claim the privilege of leading 
this assault. No braver man than my father ever lived, but 
you know how bitterly he has been condemned for his con- 
duct at West Point; permit me, I beg you, to do what I can 
to redeem the same." 

The command was given to him; he led it gallantly and 
successfully, displaying all that impetuous courage which 
had so distinguished his father. He received a very severe 
wound in the leg — but the redoubt and fort were taken. ^ 

For his gallantry he was honorably mentioned in the dis- 
patches, and was presented by the committee of the patriotic 
fund with a sword of the value of £100 pounds. He served 
several years in Bermuda, and commanded the Engineers 
in British North America. 

1. Illustrated London News, January, 1855. 

2. See Illustrated London News, January, 1855, 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 409 

On the accession of King William the lY.to tlie throne, 
General Arnold was appointed one of his Majesty's aides- 
de-camp. He was created a knight of the Planoverian 
Guelphic Order, and Knight of the Crescent. ISTo soldier 
was ever more sensitive to anything affecting his honor. lie 
felt most keenly and painfully the stain upon his name. 
When at St. Johns, in British North America, he visited 
the house in which his father had lived, and it is said he 
'' wept like a child." ^ 

He kept up a most affectionate correspondence w^ith his 
mother's family in America, and expressed a desire to visit 
them, but was prevented by his knowledge of the intense 
feeling against his father. To one of his mother's family in 
Philadelphia, writing from Malta, in 1806, he says: 

* Although a stranger, my heart is with you. Much of the unbounded 
attachment of my lamented Mother for her family was instilled into her 
children, and there is nothing to which I look forward with more pleasure 
than to being with you once again. I do propose to visit America a 
very few years hence, if after the long period that has elapsed, former 
circumstances are sufficiently obliterated to render it proper." * 

lie died without issue, on the 27th of December, 1854, at 
his residence, in Onslow Square, London.^ He is said to 
liave resembled his father in personal appearance. 

George^ born at St. Johns, New Brunswick, S8]:>tember 
5th, 1787, married Anne Martinez Brown, and died in In- 
dia, November 1st, 1828, holding at the time of his death 
the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the 2nd Bengal cavahw. 
It is said that lie was named by his father, George, after 
George Washington, his early, and George the Third, his 
later friend. 

William Fitch, born in London, June 25th, 1794. Mar- 

1. Sabine's Loyalists, Vol. I, p. 180. 

2. It will be recollected he was born in New York. 

3. Manuscript Letter from his nephew, Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. 



410 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD. 

ried May 19tli, IS 19, Elizabeth Cecilia, only daugliter of 
Alexander Euddock, Esq., of ToLago, and captain in the 
Koyal navy. William was a captain in the 19th Eoyal 
Lancers, and jnstice of tlie peace for the county of Buck- 
ini^hanishire. His residence and conntr}^ seat was Little 
Messenden Abbey, in Bucks, lie left six children, two sons 
and four daughters. One of his sons, the Rev. Edward 
Gladwin Arnold, married April 2Tth, 1852, Lady Char- 
lotte, daughter of the Marquis of Cholmondelay. William 
Trail, the second son, was a captain in the 4tli (King's 
Own) regiment of foot, in the British army. He served 
with P-reat distinction in the war in the Crimea, in 1851-5. 
He was in the battles of the Alma, Inkerman, and served 
with his regiment before Sebastopol during the severe and 
terrible winter of 1854—5. 

" He met his death in the following manner: He was in command of 
his regiment in the advanced trenches on the night of May 5th, 1855, 
when his duty was to post double sentinels in advance of the advanced 
trenches, and this was not done until it was nearly dark. He had posted 
all but six men, and was advancing with them and a sergeant, when a 
picket of Russians, s.me thirty or forty, it was said, which had been ly- 
ing in wait for him under a hillock, rose up and fired a volley at him, 
when he was but a few yards from them. He cried out to his men, 
'Fire and retire,' and fell to the earth, saying, '0, God! I am killed ' 
The men made the best of the way back to the Trenches, when the next 
officer in command advanced the regiment in the hope of recovering his 
body, but though they found the exact spot where he fell, he had been 
carried into Sebastopol. 

" Lord Raglan sent in a flag of truce, but all that could be learned was, 
' Captain Arnold died the same night he was wounded, in Sebastopol.' " 

Lord Raglan, the Commander-in-chief, in his dispatches, May 8th, 1855, 
speaks as follows: " On the same night Captain Arnold, of the 4th Foot, 
was wounded and taken prisoner while posting the advance sentries on 
the left. The loss of the services of this officer is greatly to be lamented. 
He has done his diiUj unremittingly, and in the most spirited manner 
throughout the operations of the siege.'' 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 411 

" He was a fine fellow, in every way, and had all tlie energy 
and spirit of his grandfather." '■ 

Sophia Matilda, daughter of General Arnold, was born 
in London, July 28th, 1TS5; she was married April 17th, 
1813, at Muttra, in Bengal, to Captain, afterwards Lieuten- 
ant Colonel, Pownall Phipps, of the Mulgrave family, 
Knight of the Crescent, &c. 

She was distinguished for her beauty, her culture, and 
her marked religious character. She died in Sunbury, Eng- 
land, June 10th, 1828.' 

I will now give a few extracts from the correspondence 
of the family, illustrative of the characters of its members. 
These extracts might be very largely increased, as the cor- 
respondence is voluminous, and runs through many years. 

On the 23d of May, 1806, James Eobertson, writing from 
Parbadoes to his grandfather. Chief Justice Shippen, speaks 
of having been in the West Indies "nearly three years, 
during which time," he says, '*I have been tolerably well 
employed. Tlie fortunes of war, will, I trust, shortly permit 
me to return to England, for which I am more particularly 
anxious on my darling sister's account." He laments hav- 
ing been prevented "from embracing these dear relations, 
whose love and affection," he says, " would have cheered 
the dreary hours of my life." 

" I never cease to pray God to bless and protect them. Assure them 
all, my dear Sir, of these sentiments, the extent of which I am ill able 

1. Kev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. 

The following notice, tfiken from the Leicester Advertiser, England, of July 21, 
1855, shows how he was regarded by his comrades : 

" Amongst the fearful list of losses and casualties to which our army in the Cri- 
mea is exposed, I lately read, wifh feelings of mingled sorrow and regret, the name 
of Captain William Trail Arnold, of the 4th King's Own Regiment, who was, whil.st 
commanding a skirmishing party before Sebastopol, severely wounded, and taken 
prisoner on the 5ih of May last, and died of his wounds a few hours after." 

2. For the dates and facts in relation to the descendants of General Arnold, in 
England, I am indebted to his grandson, the Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. 



412 LIFE OF BEXEDICT AEXOLD. 

to express, and entreat them sometimes to think of me, who often, very 
often thinks of, and praj^s for them. 

'* My sister will probably remain in Devonshire Place, * * till my 
return, when I hope to form some scheme for our living together, and for 
making her as happy and comfortable as my fondest wishes have desired. 

" Poor girl! she has felt and still feels most keenly the loss of our best 
of mothers. But I will try to heal the wound. Whatever fraternal love 
can devise, shall not be wanting to soothe her, and I trust God will 
crown my endeavors with success. She is as truly good and amiable as 
the tenderest love can wish, and my heart swells with gratitude io Al- 
mighty God for having given me such a sister. 

" My dear Brothers in India, Edward and George, are doing extremely 
well, and in a fair way of promotion. They are an honor to their name 
and family. Little William is at School, and Sophia tells me improving 
fast. 

" The establishment in life of that poor little orphan shall be one of my 
chief cares, and I am determined he shall never feel the want of those ad- 
vantages which his brothers have enjoyed. He shall have the choice, as 
we had, of his profession, which I think from all 1 hear, will be that of a 
soldier. 

" We are very dull here.— -No laurels I fear fcr the West India army." 

He speaks enthusiastically of Lord Nelson, and says: " If heroes are 
entitled to a seat in Heaven he (Nelson) must be there." 

Of Napoleon he says: 

" One would imagine that the repeated Naval defeats the usurper has 

sustained would have checked his ardor; it seems, however, only to have 

inflamed it. While he exists Europe can expect no tranquility. His 

ambition knows no bounds. * * I trust the Almighty will not sutfer 

much longer this scourge to desolate the world. 

********* 

*' I heartily pity the poor old King. His has been an eventful and far 
from happy reign. It will be long, I fear, before the nation will recover 
the loss of those three great men— Pitt, Nelson and Cornwallis. 

" Pray, my dear Grand-Father, allow me the happiness of hearing from 
you, and may God forever bless you." ^ 

The two older brothers, Edward Shippen, in the East 
Indies, and James Eobertson, in the AYest Indies, found 
their strongest motive to action in their orphan sister and 
little brother in England. 

1. Manuscript letter in possession of Edward Sliippcn, Esq., of Pliiladelphia. 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 413 

In 1806, Edward was at Malta, and on receivino^ intelli- 
gence of the death of Chief Justice Shippen, and that his 
grand-children in England were legatees, writes on thel9t!i 
of September to one of the family of his mother, in Phila- 
delphia. 

After acknowledging the receipt of the " melancholy 
intelligence of dear Grand- father's death," etc., he adds: 

*' The Will, of which you have enclosed a Copy, appears to have been 
made upon principles of the greatest kindness towards us all. We are 
all too much attached to our dear Sophia to feel otherwise than highly 
gratified that she should have been thus handsomely provided for. 

" I think it right, both as a guide to your conduct, in a situation which 
you will perhaps feel as rather delicate, and as a proper mark of respect 
to my nearest remaining relatives, to give you as much knowledge as 
possible of our respective views and prospects. Sophia's income, arising 
from her pension and property, exclusively her own, was about £250 a 
year, to which was added £100 from my Grand-Father. James, George 
and myself had relinquished in her favor our pensions, each netting £^0, 
and I had in addition to this, directed my agents to pay to her use £200 
a 3'ear if she required it, either for herself or for defraying the expenses 
of William's education. These latter sums, however, she did not seem 
disposed to appropriate to herself, while we had yet our fortunes to make; 
but had formed very prudent arrangements for living and educating Wil- 
liam without much exceeding the two former. What must now devolve 
to her will, I should hope, not only compensate for the loss of her allow- 
ance from my Grand-Father, but add also so considerably to her income, 
as to prevent her having occasion for that assistance which she was so 
delicate in accepting. 

" James is now well advanced in an advantageous line of his profes- 
f ion, and with his pension, and a full quarter share of what is to be dis- 
tributed among us, will be well provided for. George has also been very 
fortunate in this country. He has a good standing in the service, and 
every prospect of returning to England after a moderate number of years, 
with an Independance. I have hitherto been particularly successful, hav- 
ing had the charge for the last ten months of Deputy Field Pay-master 
to the troops on this establishment, and as my conduct has hitherto been 
approved by the government, I have every prospect of being confirmed 
in this situation, and of realizing in a few years enough to satisfy my 
moderate wishes. William, in short, only remains to be provided for, 
and he has of his own about £1,300 or £1,400. This it was my intcn- 



414 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

tion to have made up by a loan of £3,000 — so that a writership to this 
country (India) might be purchased for him. George and myself greatly 
wish that from our shares his may be made up to a sum sufficient to ef- 
fect this purpose and to pay his outfit. Should this plan require the 
whole (of our shares) we willingly relinquish them. * * * 

"I cannot close without expressing how much regret I feel in being 
known by name only to those near relatives with whom other men have 
an opportunity of forming the most endearing connections of life." 

On the 12th of November, 1806, he writes to the same 

person, saying: 

" The Government have now perminently appointed me a Deputy Pay 
Master to the troops, with a very large district on the frontier. It is a 
situation of peculiar responsibility and trouble, involving a disbursement 
of nearly a million sterling a year. * * * it affords me a certain 
prospect of a moderate independence at the end of five or six years more. 

* * It was given me by the Commander-in-chief, after serving three 
campaigns with him, and confirmed by the Governor- General after a 
year's trial. 

" William is now at the preparatory school to the College, where all 
the civil servants of the company are educated. 

*' My brother George is well, and is succeeding beyond most young men 
of his age in India." 

On the 25th of October, 1813, William writes to Richard his half- 
brother in Canada, saying " Sophia is married to Captain Phipps, of the 
East India company's service. It is a most desirable match; he is a rela- 
tion to Lord Mulgrave, and a nephew to Mr. Tierney,^ a very fine young 
man, and extremely well-off in pecuniary matters. Edward and George 
were in good health, and coming on well." 

On the 30th of July, 1823, Sophia (Mrs. Phipps) writes to 

her uncle Burd, saying, 

" William has bought a small freehold Estate, Little Messendon Abbey, 
in Bucks, and is residing quietly there with his wife and three children. 
We are to pay them a visit, when we leave Bath." 

On the 16th of August, 1814, Jam.es writes to his broth- 
ers Richard and Henry, communicating intelligence of the 
death of his brother Edward. He says: 

"He died on the 17th of December last at Dinapore, on his way to 
Calcutta. 

1. Member of Parliament. 



HIS PATRIOTIS:\I AXD IITS TEEASOX. 415 

"To tell you how miserable this event has made me would be impossi- 
ble, but you may judge of my feelings, when you reflect that we were 
brought up together and always loved each otlier with the most tender 
affection. * * j r^^^ really happy to inform you of poor Edward's 
affectionate recollection of you both. He has left you each £500 sterling. 
* * God bless and prosper you, my dear brothers, and may it 
be long, very long, before we have to deplore the loss of another of our 
family." 

On the 7tli of August, 1815, James writes again to his 
brothers in Canada, saying: 

" You will be pleased to learn that I have obtained the important step 
of Lieutenant Colonel in my Corps. I have more than ever cause to be 
thankful to our dear Parents and our lamented Brother Edward, by 
whose advice I came into the Engineers. If they had been spared to 
witness the result of their exertions for me, my feelings on this occasion 
would have been delightful indeed. But all is for the best, and we have 
no right to doubt the goodness and wisdom of that kind Providence who 
grants or withholds, as He knows to be right. If prosperity and the 
completion of all our worldly desires make us happier, they do not always 
make us the better or more deserving; adversity, and those disappoint- 
ments which mankind call cruel, and which appear so at the time, seldom 
fail to teach us that it is not here we are to look for happiness; that 
though we may enjoy it for a time, it cannot last, and that it is only by 
endeavoring to do our duty that we can expect to attain it in the state to 
which we are all hastening. This conviction must check unmeasured 
joy, and must console us in the most trying afflictions. 

"As to the Land (the Canada land), a few years may make it of 
some value, and I shall let it take its chance, as far as 1 am concerned. 
I wish we could stick it on to some part of old England, and bring you and 
your family over with it. It would be of some value with the timber on 

" I should have liked to have shared in the glory of the late campaign, 
but having missed that, care very little where I go next. You will have 
heard before this can reach you, of that noble but bloody affair, the bat- 
tle of Waterloo. The French are completely humbled, but I doubt the 
flame being extinguished. I hope the Allies will make them suffer a 
little more before they leave them. * * * 

" You will see what a complete change we have recently had in our ad- 
ministration, and I hope things will now go on better. I'he Duke of Wel- 
lington is a straight-forward, honorable fellow, without any humbug, i 
have seen a great deal of him since I have been stationed at Dover, and 
have received much kindness and attention from him. * * " 



416 LIFE OF BEXEDICT AENOLD. 

On the 12tli of August, 1S36, James was Aide-de-Canip 
to King William the lY., and was still stationed at Dover, 
Eno'land. His half-brother Richard had written to him, 
soliciting aid in obtaining some appointment, to which he 
replies : 

" You are mistaken, my dear Richard, as to the influence you seem to 
imagine the officers on the Kings's staff have with him. The only aide- 
de-camp constantly about his person is the principal one, Sir Herbert 
Taylor, and he has much influence. The others, with perhaps few excep- 
tions, have little intercourse with his majesty, excepting on occasions of 
State, or other duties. There are certain privileges attached to the 
appointment, but though it brings us all more in the occasional presence 
of his majesty, more in contact with him through other officers, it gives 
r.o claim to his confidence, beyond what he may see fit to giant. The 
ministers of the crown are the heads through whom all chiefly look for 
the accomplishment of such objects as our friend Jones had in view. * * 

" I wish you fully to understand the appointment of King's aid-de-camp 
though purely military, has always been considered most enviable and 
desirable, and to be conferred as a mark of Royal approbation of conduct. 
I value it most highly. You give me the title of ' Sir, ' to which I have no 
right. Remember, I am plain ' Colonel.' I hope you will soon be able 
to sell some more of our land to advantage. 

" God bless you all — Virginia unites with me in kindest love — ever my 

dear Richard, 

*' Your affectionate Brother, &c." 

On the 23d of June, 1837, James writes from the " United 
Service Club, London," to his brother Eichard, and says? 
among, other things: 

" I have recently been appointed to the command of the Engineer 
Department in Ireland. * * * * 

" The command is considered the most important we have, and I ex- 
pect to be placed as a Colonel on the Staft', which will make it much 
more agreeable. * h^ * * * 

" I understand Phipp's boy is grown a very fine stout fellow. I won- 
der at his choosing to settle in Ireland, and in such a county, too, as Tip- 
perary! But he tells me they get on well there. 

"As to William * * he has a very pretty place in Buckingham- 
shire, and has been made a Magistrate, which gives him some impor- 
tance in the County. * * * * 



HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 417 

"Pray tell me what prospect there is of selling our land. I wish we 
could dispose of it to tolerable advantage, and that I believe to lie the 
wish of the family generally. No doubt it may be more valuable ten 
years hence, but then we may not be here to enjoy the benefit of it! 

"Pray, do endeavor to sell whenever anything like fair opportunity 
offer. * * * * * * 

"The death of our excellent King .has cast much gloom over London. 
He will long be deeply and sincerely lamented, and I, for one, feel that 
in him I have lost an excellent friend. I had the honor of dining with 
him at Brighton lasL February, and had an audience the next morning 
of nearl)^ an hour. ***** 

"The young Queen (Victoria) appears to have given much satisfaction, 
and to promise all we can expect from her. But it is a serious and 
heavy charge for a girl of eighteen ! * * * 

" You shall know how we get on in Ireland. * 

" God bless you and all your family, my dear Richard! I trust 3*ou will 
enjoy many happy years, and that we may yet meet in this world, before 
we are summoned to a better. The next Brevet mil most probably make 
me a Major-General, and I cannot doubt that when s^eaw traveling comes 
more fully into play, I may feel disposed to take another trip across the 
Atlantic." 

These extracts might be continued, but enough have been 
given to show the character of the family, and the generous 
affection they all entertained for each other. The letters 
indicate, what I learn from other sources, that all the sons 
and the dauo-hter were of marked relictions character. An 
English correspondent, who knew the family, says: "The 
sons of General Arnold could not but be brave, and the sons of 
Margaret Shi])pen could not be other than gentlemen, and 
her dauo^hter a o:entlewoman." 

27 



APPEl^DIX. 



The following paper was drawn np by Gen. Arnold at the 
request of the King. Its exact date I am unable to give. 
It is the original draft, with some interlineations, erasures 
and alterations, and apparently somewhat incomplete, and 
is all in his hand-writing, and was fnrnislied to me by his 
grandson, the Eev. Edward Gladwin Arnold: 

♦'THOUGHTS ON THE AMERICAN WAR— BY AN AMERICAN— 

(GEN. A.) 1782. 

" Great Britain was deceived at the Commencement of the American 
troubles, when she trusted to what some wrote: that the Discontents 
were confined to a small faction. Her measures thus became inadequate 
to her Ends. A great majority of America was at first in the opposition, 
tho' not all for arming. There are those who now allege that she has 
few or no Friends in America; and if they are believed, she will be a 
second time and more fatally deluded. Such accounts should be listened 
to with great jealousy, because they proceed from Ignorance or bad de- 
signs, and lead to despair; and the severance of the Empire will be the 
ruin of it, and of eveiy part of it. 

" That a great Majority of the Americans are averse from the Separa- 
tion, is a Truth supported by every kind of Proof of which the Subject 
is capable, and nothing is so easy as to detect the Fallacy of the Reasons 
assigned for doubting it. It appears to be a Parodox to some, how a 
Minority can maintain the Usurpation in a Government that is democrat- 
ical. The solution is this: When the Republics were first formed, the 
Majority were in Favor of them, and disarmed the Rest; they did more — 
they enacted laws to incapacitate them from holding Offices, or voting 
lor others, for they made it a pre-requisite to both, that the King's 
Authority should be abjured. No Loyalist can do that. 

(419) 



420 APPENDIX. 

** It is a Demonstration that the Friends of the Restoration are most 
numerous, if the fact be admitted that the Elections are everywhere at- 
tended by a minority; and this has been the case ever since the Over- 
tures of 1778. If it was not beheved to be so, how should we account for 
the resort of so many Thousands to the King's Lines? What induces 
them to quit their Estates, Families and Friends, and risk their own 
Lives? It would be the greatest of all Paradoxes to find them staking 
everything dear to them, upon their preference of the Royal Cause to the 
Congressional Protection, if they knew the latter to be supported by the 
general voice. You will hear, indeed, of Diversities in the Proportions 
of Whig and Tory at different Places, and the accounts would be false 
if they were not various; but every informer, from whatever District he 
comes, brings the Intelligence that his Townsmen or Countrymen are in 
the main for the Restoration, and that their Numbers daily increase. 
Nothing can more strongly confirm this Testimony than the Conduct of 
the Party in the saddle, and the conditions of their affairs. 

' ' It was because the Non-concurrence of the multitude was appre- 
hended, that they were not consulted on the Propriety of declaring the 
Independence in 1776, nor on the Confederation to authorize foreign alli- 
ances in 1777, nor on the Rejection of the British Overtures in 1778. 
Every one of these Events actually made accessions to the Number of 
the Loyalists, and frittered down the Independent Party to a proportion- 
able Diminution. The minority increased in Cruelty as they lessened in 
Numbers, and the Barbarities begot by their fears, disgusting others, and 
working with general Calamities, the Zealots, at this day for protracting 
the War, are really become a very small Proportion of the Continent. 
America is a country of husbandmen, and tho' this class has felt the bur- 
then of Military Service, 'tis but now they find cause to repine under the 
Load of their Taxes, which are tenfold greater than they were before the 
War, and are daily increasing, the scarcity of Specie, having reduced the 
Peace Price of tlxeir stinted Productions nearly one-half — Wheat being at 
4s. a Bushel. 

"If it is thought 'an Objection that the War would not have been so 
unsuccessful, if our Friends were so numerous; but that in the several 
Experiments" for penetrating the Country, they would have flocked to the 
British Standard; and that consequently the truth is, that the Rebels 
are everywhere an inveterate Majority, and the Loyalists few and timid, 
as Earl Cornwallis has asserted. I reply that this Timidity should be 
called Diffidence; and arises from causes easily to be removed by a change 
in the Conduct of the War, which the American Loyalists have all along 
disapproved. It would be a tedious and invidious Task to indulge in 
particular remarks, upon the Inactivity and Misdirection of the King's 



APPENDIX. 421 

Arms ; I leave it to others, for a few important Observations to finish with 
the objection I have started. 

" Has any attempt been made to set up the Civil Authority in any Part 
of America, where the usurpation was beaten down? Certainly not— and 
till this is attended to, the Loyalists in general will not, nor indeed can 
give any essential assistance to the Royal Arms. I have said they tvill 
not because they are Englishmen. Nay, an American Husbandman will 
no sooner quit his farm and family to become a common Soldier at Six 
Pense a Day Wages with rations, than an English Gentleman of £500 a 
year in the funds. He will not lend his hand to erect a Military Misrule 
over himself and his Friends, and put all his Property at the Discretion of 
an Arbitrary Police, that has cut the throat of the Kiny's Interest when- 
ever it has been set up. He has, however, no objection to serve in the 
Militia within his own colony, under officers who are of it ; and to assist 
in supporting its government and defending hhnself in it; and may per- 
haps pursue the Rebel out of it, or meet him on a Menaced Invasion near 
the Borders. But for this purpose the Civil Authority of the Crown must 
first be set up; and without it. Great Britain (the American being what 
he is) can neither be benefited by his Councils, his Purse, nor his Arms. 
He will be passive while under the Power of the Usurpers ; and when 
they are flying before the King's troops, continue if he can at home, giv- 
ing aid to neither Party, and certainly not oppose the Royal Army, if he 
finds it possible to avoid it; and in short, behave in the manner Lord 
Cornwallis experienced, distrusting both the strength of liis Army, to 
give Protection, and what is worse, to afford the Protection of the Laws 
of the I and. 

" In a war of Posts, therefore, connected with the plan of subjecting the 
Country to Military Policy, the whole icorh must he i)erformed hy the 
King's Troo])s; and if this is impracticable, it is a very good reason for 
adopting a new mode, but no evidence at all of the want of a Disposition 
in Ameiica for the Renewal of the royal Government and the re-union 
of the Empire. Is there a county in England, that thus circumstanced, 
would act otherwise, and be easy a month under the Direction of an 
army? — of an army too, addicted to Plunder, and often willing to suppose 
a Friend to be a Rebel, for the sake of what he has got, or they have 
seized? I will not admit, though a soldier myself, that the King's Civil 
Government and the success of the service are incompatable; and have 
said enough against any further Experiment, that have so long indulged 
to this Military PartiaHty. But there is another objection that has weight, 
and that is, that the new restored Legislature may do injury to the con- 
ciliatory Designs of the Crown, by too Vindictive a spirit, and an inor- 
dinate Desire to compensate their own Losses, by the Ruin of those who 
have at any time contributed to the present distractions. Georgia has 



422 APPENDIX. 

committed this error. But it might have been prevented by a Governor, 
disposed to act the part of a mediator between Whig- and Tory; and it is 
certain that the example of Georg-ia quoted by some, for not restoring; 
the old constitution of South Carolina, furnished the strongest Argu- 
ment imaginable for its being instantly set up on the Reduction of Charles- 
town. It was then practicable to have formed an Assembly of Penitents, 
who being found on their estates, with a moderate Governor and Coun- 
cil, v/ould have given full scope to that Wise Policy, necessary to Bal- 
lance between the hatred of Parties, and prevent the Ruin of either, by 
unconscionable sacrifices inconsistent with the public good. 

" Congress took advantage 43f our Folly in leaving that Province to a 
Military Police, had for a town, and wholly inadequate to a Province. 
Left to a state of Nature, the Soldiery began to insult. Robberies sprang 
up. The injured under the late Usurpation avenged themselves upon 
their Oppres-ors. The slaves left their Masters, and the whole' Province 
was prepared to resign all hope of Government for the common Protec- 
tion, before the Congressional Troops arrived to increase the Confusion; 
and if South Carolina is not lost, it is ruined; so that the only advan- 
tage we draw from all our Operations in that Quarter, is the Lesson it 
teaches to the other Provinces, of consulting their Salvation from Des- 
truction by a timely Reconciliation with the Mother Country. What has 
been said in part anticipates that Proof of the In umber of the King's 
Friends, which is deducible from the low Condition of the Rebel Af- 
fairs. 

" The Congress is utterly become Bankrupt Not a Bill of theirs now 
has any Credit, and the only currency is hard money. This must be set 
down to the distrust began and propaga,ted by the Loyalists; for the De- 
preciation commenced in 1777. Old Monei/, Old Price, was the vulgar 
Cantatum of the Friends of Government, from the first moment of the 
paper Emission in 1775. It is a confirmation of this, that the Bankrupt- 
cy has occasioned no such convulsions as the uninformed speculator looked 
for. No Loyalist hoarded what he hated as well as despised. The loss 
has thus wholly fallen upon the Whigs, who cried up the Paper money; 
and it is not consistent with their Principles nor Reputation to ut- 
ter Complaints, and afford Matter of Triumph to their Adversaries. 
Some of them had treasured up these Bills in Barrels, and are unpitied 
both by Whig and Tory for profiting by the jp«&?ic Fraud. The diffi- 
culty of forcing the Militia into the Field; the sanguinary Laws of the 
Usurpers; the Mutiny and Desertion of their regular Troops; and vari- 
ous other topics, might be mentioned as Proofs of the Declension of the 
Party, with decisive confessions in the intercepted letters of the Rebels. 
In a word, but for the late French aid, the Rebellion had sunk under its 
own weakness. To rid themselves of the burthen of supernumerary of- 



APPENDIX. 423 

Ccers in the Army (a suspicious but necessary measure), it was, in Sep- 
tember, 1780, resolved on to consolidate several Regiments into one, and 
that it should take place on the 1st of January following, a Season of 
the least apprehension. 

"The army then was to consist of: 

4 Regiments of Cavalry — in all 1 535 

4 Regiments of Artillery 2,340 

49 Regiments of Infantry 28 224 

1 Regiment of Artificers 431} 



32,580 
''This was an Establishment on Paper, and doubtless exceeded the 
Hopes of the Congress, except for the Effect of its appearance Abroad; 
they must, however, have been alarmed to find that their Force in the 
Field late in June last, in all Parts of the Continent, fell short of 5,000 
Men. I speak of real* soldiers — Continentals and not militia or month's 
men, who are but Militia, forced out for the short terms of 3, 4, 6 or 9 
months, and not always in Congressional, but the still more precarious 
and slender Pay of the Colony they are sent from. Under Washington 
there were : 

In the Highlands 1,500 

At Fort Stanwix and its neighborhood 1,000 

With Green, the Debris of the Southern army 800 

Under Lafayette, 700, besides the 600 of the Pennsylvania Muti- 
neers re-assembled by Wayne 1,300 



4,600 
" It is true the American and French Troops that were convened in West 
Chester County, from the first of July to the 20th of August for menacing 
New York, were about 7000. But of these Rochambeau's Force consisted 
of 2870, and to make up the Ballance of upwards of 4000 in Americans, 
it must be observed that besides the 1500 from the Highlands, with the 
1000 from Fort Stanwix, then abandoned, Washington had then so many 
Militia that when he marched from King's Ferry to Virginia (23d August) 
with three thousand men. Heath took up to the Highland Forts, about 
10 or 12 hundred of the Militia; and that is the number with a small 
addition of others, that have occupied the Highland Forts ever since, 
till the appearance of the British from Canada, at Crown Point, in October 
occasioned a Detachment to the Northward that reduced the Garrison at 
West Point, as was said lately, to but about 600 men. I say nothing upon 
the delicate enquiry which the disaster in Virginia will lead to. It is 
material however to remark, that if the rebels deserve any advantage 



424 APPENDIX. 

from it, "twill be as it shall affect the Councils of Great Britain this 
Winter. 

" The French Fleet and Army, Rochambeau's Troops excepted, being 
gone, the Rebels are as unable to undertake any enterprise as before 
Rochambeau's Troops have laid hold of York in Virginia, and planted 
the French colours there. And it would seem that the Continentals must 
Winter in such a Part of the neighboring Country, as to be able to aid 
them in case of an Insurrection of the numerous British Prisoners and 
Loyalists, and our visiting the Chesapeak. It is impossible for Washing- 
ton to have detached to Green, a Force sufficient for the Reduction of 
Charlestown; tho' he may and doubtless is in strength to ruin his friends 
as well as ours in the Southern Country. The Congress has added vastly 
to their debt; and cannot avoid increasing the general Discontents, noiv the 
Taxes are commenced in hard money ; so that what they acquire of Rep- 
utation by the late victory, which after all is a French otie, is counterbal- 
lanced by a growing impatience in all ranks and Classes, under the in- 
tollerable and increasing Burthen of the War. The whole Northern 
quarter is at the same time undefended, and while the Sea Board is every 
where exposed to our incursions, the Conduct of Vermont fills all the 
Northern Provinces with apprehension, that may rise to a very formida- 
ble fright in the Spring, if Gen'l Haldimand's Compact with the Ver- 
monters is put in a way of being confirmed by Great Britain. On all 
considerations thinking men among the Rebels see no great change for 
the better, and exult less than is imagined. And if I can venture a con- 
jecture, it would be that Congress will direct this Winter to an accom- 
modation with Great Britain, unless the French promise large succors, 
both of Land and Sea Forces as well as Money, for the Reduction of New 
York early in the Spring. 

" The Vermonters informed the Congress last August, that the Militia 
within their j^rs^ Bounds consisted of 7,000. There are 3,000 more in the 
Towns associated with them between Connecticut River and Mason's 
Line; and I think nearly 2,000 more in the District they have admitted 
to a Union with them, out of that part of New York that lays between 
the Hudson River and the twenty Mile Line East of it; and it is known 
that large Numbers are flocking to Vermont, and who are interested in 
her 2>rivate as well as public views out of the Old Colonies of New Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut and New York; and 
without Doubt the example of the convention Troops will lead to that 
country many of the British Soldiers lately made Prisoners in Virginia. 

" By the complete Detachment of Vermont from the Rebel Interest, 
and the Reduction of the Highland Forts early in the Spring, much may 
be expected in the next Campaign; especially since the New Yorkers in 
general, and a very great proportion of the Country between them and 



APPENDIX. 425 

the Connecticut River, are known to be very favorably inclined to the 
Re-union. If the late loss in Virginia, where the British must be danger- 
ous and unwelcome Guests, is to be made up, it should be early during the 
Winter, as they can be collected, with a large proportion of them in the 
Ships of War, setting out with as little Observation as possible in separate 
and small squadrons of Transports, with a ship or two to carry their Pro^-is- 
ions, and not in large Fleets.— And at all events there must he a Naval 
Sujm'iority in these Seas in March or Ajyril, Because they will confine 
French Reinforcements to the Place of their Disembarkation, for the 
defence of their Ships; As was the Case at Rhode Island, and prevent 
any Designs against New York. 

"I have hinted my Conjecture that Congress will immediately give 
orders to make offers to negotiate. It appears to me of great importance 
that these Negotiations should proceed in this Country, and not on the 
other side of the Water, especially if Great Brittain's affairs should wear 
a good Face for a vigorous and early campaign. 

" But a new Peace Commission is indisjjensahlt/ necessary. Perplexed 
as the Congress must be under the growing uneasiness of the People, 
neither Affection to the French, nor a republican attachment, nor even 
the Aims of Ambition, would prevent them from listening to Overtures 
that were decisive and irreversahle, if themselves could be secured from 
the vindictive Rage of the Multitude they have misled, oppressed and 
.'uined, as well as from the resentment of the Crown. Hitherto they have 
been offered pardons and General Privileges, with a Restoration of their 
old Legislatures. But as much is they once contended for a Plenitude of 
Power in their Colony Assemhlies, they have now everything to dread 
from them; foreseeing as they do. that these Legislatures will be com- 
posed of Loyalists, of injured Loyalists, who may never be satisfied but 
by a confiscation of the Fortunes of the Rebels for the Repair of the 
Waste of their own. 

" What is to be done in this case? Pass an act of Parliament for an 
universal Amnesty and Oblivion ? By no means; for it would convert the 
Loyalists into Rebels. But another, to authorize the Crown to appoint 
Commissioners to come to a final agreement with the Colonies, or either 
of them, and that every act of the Commissioners shall be as valid as if 
it was an act of Parliament, non-repealable, without the Consent of the 
Colony in General Assembly, whether it concern matters Civil, Conimer- 
cial, Military or Ecclesiastical, or the Adjustment of the Affairs of Ver- 
mont, or any Disputes among the Provinces respecting their Limits, or 
any other differences that may or shall subsist between them, or any of 
them. Such Commissioners will be full handed for the Gratification of 
the reasonable Desires of all parties, and every Colony in America; and 
an agreement between them and the Congress, or any partizans of theirs, 



426 APPENDIX. 

will lay the legislature of the Colony so far under Restraints as to disptl 
all their fears; and with this end attained, I have no doubt the Commis- 
sioners will find the Tables turned; and more jealously for the Interests 
of America in the Loyalists than their Adversaries, and no difficulty at 
all in reserving such Points as may really deserve Parliamentary and fu- 
ture discussion and approbation. The Point of Honor in Republics, set 
against the Interest of the Leaders, will then avail little; and the French 
Court be thus at last dropped by America, an event I always thought 
probable, from the difficulty of dissolving antient, strong and natural 
Connections and Habits. If there remains any obstinacy, it can extend 
to but a few, who must give way to the Torrent of Superior Numbers, 
interested more and more, every hour of the hostilities, in the return of 
Peace; and a very little activity on our part in the execution of the Plan 
which is agreed on, will determine the General Preference of a State of 
Tranquility and Prosperity to an unprofitable Sovereignty, which the ma- 
jority already considered as a curse, and many of the Rest as a Phantom. 
The exhausted Conditon of the Country, exposing it inevitably to a de- 
pendency upon Great Brittain, or upon France, to whom too much is due 
not to raise Fears if not Enmity, and she will certainly insist upon pay- 
ment to the very last Farthing. 

"It can scarcely be necessary to add that the new Peace Commissioners 
should have every Power of the crown for the appointment of officers, 
from Governors downwards, that when they return to England, they may 
leave the Government established upon such a Plan as, all things consid- 
ered, may appear to be expedient; and that the success of the Commis- 
sion will depend much upon their being Persons of Rank, and rather 
Statesmen than Soldiers, and of characters in estimation for the Fulness 
of their Powers, as to influence the Executive instruments both of the 
Army and Navy, to a faithful, spirited and harmonious Conduct. Such 
Guardians have been heretofore wanting. If they have a Council, as I 
think they should have, to prevent the Indelicacy of Altercation, Regard 
should be had to their Tempers, Standing and Friendships in this Coun- 
try, as well as to their Address and Knowledge of its Affairs. 

" All these things are suggested, upon the supposition that Great Brit- 
ain has such an Interest in her Colonies, as is worth fostering for the 
Common Good. It will be melancholy if the discovery should be made 
too late. It vdll then bring Home to her Streets and Exchange Evidence 
that ought to be known now in her Cabinet, and will pour infinite Dis- 
grace upon those who shall have counselled her to quit her Hold of a 
country, which she may make her Instrument against the insular Pos- 
sessions of France, and the best Interests of Spain, and such Proof, when 
too late obtained, may light nj) a Civil War in her Native Dominions. 

•' Had a measure been adopted which Gen'l Tryon urged upon Sir Henry 



APPENDIX. 427 

Clinton, in August, 1779, Administration would long since have been pos- 
sessed of the most satisfactory Demonstration of the true and Heal Tem- 
per of the Colonies. It was to set up an Intelligence Office for An Exam- 
ination in Writing, and upon Oath of Persons of all ranks and ages, and 
of both sexes, that repaired to the British lines, to be communicated to 
the General, and another set of copies to the Minister for the American 
Department, with a weekly digest of the whole, upon the probable Pre- 
sumption, that the Points in which every ray of Information centered 
would be the Truth; And when the Concourse is so great and from 
remote Comers, and the Intelhgence so manifold, it is certain that the 
Complaint of the want of it, must argue great Inattention to the proper 
means of acquiring it. With due care there are rarely secrets in Civil 
Wars. 

" It cannot be worth the pains of Stating Arguments against the flimsy 
proposal of some for evacuating New York, the Common center, by 
means of the Hudson, of the British, Canadian and Indian Interests in 
America. 

"■ Nor against the wilder scheme of others for yielding Independence 
to all the Continent, to the Northward and Eastward of a Line of 
Forts from the Head of Elk River to the Delaware, weakly relying upon 
a Bargain, for the quick Possession and Retention of the Southern 
Provinces; for the Produce of the latter, can be no equivalent for the Loss 
of that Commerce which the former would open to the Disadvantage of 
the Mother Country, and the Southern Possessions would share in, to say 
nothing of the insecurity of the Tenure against the Power those districts 
would acquire very soon after Great Britain's acquiescence in the Impair- 
ing of that monopoly by which she has been aggrandized, and for which 
she had paid down such a price in the Expenses of the present War, 7ioic 
nearly at an end, unless she dastardly resigns to Despair, or resolves to 
continue that strange Conduct which has, b}'' a mixture of Conciliation 
and Chastisement, been wasting both Countries, as if the Contest was a 
measuring of Purses; but which, after all, if it ends in the Re-union, can 
not fail to rivet the future Dependence of the Colonies, on their discover- 
ing in the Retrospect, or apprehending that they discern Great Britain's 
Willingness to carry on the War, as to spare what it was always in her 
Power to destroy — a credit given by some to the Supreme Direction, who 
allow nothing to the Generosity of the Subordinate Agents on account of 
the Speculation and Plunders that have so generally prevailed, and some- 
times against the plighted Faith of Solemn Proclamations." 



IKDEX. 



Abercorn, Marquis of, 376. 

Adams, John, 104. 

Adams, Samuel, 217. 

Adirondacks, 105. 

Agnew, General, 131. 

Allen, Ethan, expedition to Lake 
George, 39; refuses precedence to 
Arnold, 39; captures Ticonder- 
oga, 40; his dash at Montreal 
censured by Washington and 
Schuyler, 46. 

Allen, Lieutenant, brings letter 
of Jameson to Arnold, announc- 
ing Andre's arrest, 295. 

Andre, John, Major, a social fa- 
vorite in Philadelphia, 223; a 
guest of Chief Justice Shippen, 
224; Mischienza, 224; correspond- 
ence with Arnold, 287; interview 
with Arnold, 288; his return to 
New York, 290; arrested as a 
spy, 291; conducted to Lieut. 
Colonel Jameson, at Newcastle, 
292; writes to Washington and 
acknowledges his real char- 
acter, 292; is brought to the 
Robinson House — Washington 
declines to see him, 304; sensa- 
tion in British army, 305; his trial, 



306; efforts to save his life, 308; 
his letter to Washington, o09; 
execution, 313; his character, 
313; letter to Sir Henry Clinton, 
313; Monument in Westmin- 
ster Abbey — remains removed to, 
315; was he a spy? 322; should 
the pass from Arnold protect 
him? 324. 

Arms of the Arnold family, 363. 

Arnold, Bendict, ancestors of, 
16; his father, 17; mother, 17; 
birth of, 18; his father's death, 19; 
stories of boyhood, 21; letters of 
, his mother, 23; enlists as a sol- 
dier, 24; joins the troops at Al- 
bany — deserts, 25; marriage, 27; 
personal description of, 29; his 
first duel, 31; in business, 33; 
indignation at "Boston massa- 
cre," 34; Captain of the Govern- 
or's Guards, 34; a popular leader, 
35; volunteers to Cambridge, 36; 
proposes expedition to Ticonde- 
roga, 37; commissioned Colonel, 
38; joins Allen, 39; Ticonderoga 
captured, 40; captures St. Johns, 
41: Massachusetts thanks him, 
43; superseded, 44; resigns and 
returns to Cambridge, 45; death 
of his wife, 47; proposes expedi- 



(429) 



430 



INDEX. 



tion to Quebec, 50; selected by 
Washington to command, 50; 
details of expedition, 53; holds 
an Indian Council, 73, 74; his ad- 
dress to the Indians, 74; arrives 
at Point Levi, 75; on the Plains 
of Abraham, 76; flag fired upon, 
78; retires to Pointe-aux-Trem- 
bles, 78; assault upon Quebec, 
80; is wounded, 83; continues 
blockade, 87; goes to Montreal, 
88; receives the Congressional 
Commissioners, 90; retreats to 
St. Johns, 94; letter to Gates, 95; 
proceeds to Crown Point, 96; in- 
tegrity attacked, 96; charges 
against Colonel Hazen, 98; trial 
of Hazen, 98; protest of Arnold, 
100; Gates dissolves the Court, 
101 ; charges against, and inqui- 
ry demanded by Brown, 102; 
refused by Gates, Schuyler and 
Commissioners of Congress, 103; 
his conduct approved by Schuyler, 
103, 104; appointed to construct 
fleet on Lake Champlain, 107; 
his preparations, 108; at Isle Val- 
cour, 109; his letters to and from 
Gates and Schuyler, 110; battle 
of Valcour Island, 112; arrives at 
Crown Point, 117; his report to 
Schuyler, 118; thanked by Gates, 
120; welcomed at Ticonderoga, 
121; letter from Chase, 122; visits 
Washington, 124; sent to Rhode 
Island, 124; visits his sister and 
children, 124; friendship and aid 
for Lamb, 125; letter to Mrs. 
Knox, 125; superseded by five 
junior brigadiers, 126; with- 
holds resignation by advice of 
Washington, 127; other officers 



equally sensitive, 129; fights bat- 
tle of Ridgefield, 131; receives 
promotion, 132; and ahorse from 
Congress, 133; his rank still with- 
held, 133; charges of Brown de- 
clared cruel and groundless, 133; 
off'ered command on the Hudson, 
134; declines and goes to Phila- 
delphia to ask his proper rank 
and settlement of his accounts, 
134; presents his accounts, 136; 
appointed to the army gathering 
to watch General Howe, 137; 
British General retires to Bruns- 
wick and Arnold returns to Phila- 
delphia, 137; again tenders his 
resignation, 138; Washington 
requests Congress to send 
Arnold to join Schuyler against 
Burgoyne, 139; arrives at Wash- 
ington's camp, 147; visits a 
Masonic Lodge with Washing- 
ton, 148; made second in com- 
mand, J.48; is refused his rank by 
Congress — withholds resignation 
at Schuyler's request, 148; vol- 
unteers to lead expedition into 
Tryon county, 154; pushes on to 
Fort Dayton, 154; calls a council 
of war, 155; issues proclamation, 
156; announces his approach to 
Gansevoort, 157; by ruse-de- 
guerre relieves Fort Stanwix, 
159; reception at Fort Stanwix, 
162; returns to Schuyler's camp, 
163; in his lettevs, familiar with 
Gates, respectful to Schuyler, 
166; commands left wing, 166; 
selects Bemis' Heights for camp, 
167; a coolness on the part of 
Gates towards, 168; friendly to 
Schuyler, 169; leads at Bemis' 



INDEX. 



431 



Heights, 171; who led the 
Americans at this battle? 174; 
testimony showing his conduct in 
this battle, 175; error of Bancroft, 
175; the battle fought by Arnold's 
divison and under his leadership, 
177; letters of Arnold to Gates, 
177; Varrick's letters to Schuyler, 
168, 179, 184; letter of Schuyler, 
180; letters of Livingston, 180, 
182; evidence of Neil son, 185; 
statement ot Cochran, 186; Bur- 
goyne's statement, 186; state- 
ment of Irving, 187; Lossing, 
188; Carrington, 189; statement 
of Downing, 190; quarrel 
between Gates and Arnold, 193; 
deprived of command, 195; in 
the second battle of Saratoga, 
198; directs Morgan to pick off 
Fraser, 200; wounded, 204; Fos- 
ter's account of his charge, 204; 
saves the life of soldier who shot 
him, 205; Burgoyne's surrender, 
209; Arnold receives thanks of 
Congress, 210; receives from 
Washington new commission 
giving him his proper rank, 210; 
the hero of the campaign of 
1777, 211; carried to Albany and 
there during autumn and winter 
of 1777-8, 213; goes to Connecti- 
cut, 214; Washington presents to 
him pistols, 214; epaulettes, 215; 
Washington's letters of appro- 
bation, 215; furnishes money 
for the education and main- 
tenance of the children 
of General Warren, 216 ; letters 
on the subject, 217 ; arrives at 
Valley Forge, 221 ; occupies the 
Penn House, 226 ; suitor of Peggy 



Shippen,— letter to her father, 
228 ; offer, 228 ; settles upon her 
Mount Pleasant, 231 ; his mar- 
riage, 231 ; resides here until his 
removal to West Point, 232 ; his 
domestic life in Philadelphia, 
233 ; visited by his sister, 233 ; 
birth of son, 233 ; letter of Han- 
nah Arnold, 233 ; Arnold's pro- 
clamation to close stores and 
shops, 238 ; style of living ex- 
travagant, 239 ; charged with 
leaning toward loyalists — the 
Shippen family, 240 ; his project 
of settling in Western New York, 
approved by John Jay, and New 
York delegation, 241 ; charges 
by Executive Council of Penn- 
sylvania, 242 ; published in 
newspapers, 242 ; declares charges 
cruel and malicious, 242; and 
demands court of inquiry, 243; 
list of charges, 243; committee, 
to investigate, 245; report of 
committee, 245 ; sends his resig- 
nation, 247 ; letter to Congress, 
247 ; his trial, 249 ; his defense, 
251; judgment of the court, 257; 
reprimanded by Washington, 
261; letter of Schuyler, 263; his 
treason, 265 ; social relations in 
Philadelphia, 267; date of Ar- 
nold's first correspondence with 
enemy, 267; what his motives, 
268 ; arguments used to 
seduce him, 271; letter of 
Beverly Robinson, 275; supposed 
interview between Arnold and 
Robinson, 277; proposed enter- 
prise by sea, 281 ; interview with 
Luzerne, as given by Marbois, 
282; his accounts still unsettled. 



432 



INDEX. 



283; Washington congratulates 
him on birth of his son, 284; cor- 
responds with Sir Henry Clinton 
under name of "Gustavus," 284; 
given command of West Point — 
at Robinson House, 285; letters 
to Washington and Greene, 286; 
visited by Schuyler, 288; a tra- 
dition that Arnold often said: 
"I did it to save the shedding 
of blood," 287; requests a per- 
sonal meeting with Andre, 287; 
sends a boat for Andre, 287; 
meeting of Arnold and Andre, 
288; gives Andre a pass — sup- 
posed conversation between 
them, 288; Allen arrives with 
news of Andre's capture, 295; 
his ilight, 296; to the Vulture, 
297; the bargemen, 297; letter to 
Washington, 299; declares his 
wife and military family inno- 
cent, 300; arrives at New York 
and informs Sir Henry Clinton 
of Andre's capture, 302 ; his 
future, 302; his letter to Sir 
Henry Clinton in regard to 
Andre, 305; appeals to Washing- 
ton for Andre's life, 308; alleged 
offer to surrender himself for 
Andre, 311; attempts to justify 
his conduct — an address : *'To the 
Inhabitants of America," 329; 
text of address, 330; issues a 
proclamation: "To the Officers 
and Soldiers of the Continental 
Army, &c." 332; his efforts meet 
with no success, 335; rank of 
Brigadier-General in British 
Army confirmed, 335; project to 
kidnap him, 336; its failure, 337; 
comuiands expeditions against 



Virginia, 343; sails from New 
York and enters Hampton 
Roads, 343; takes Richmond, 343; 
his report to Sir Henry Clin- 
ton, 343-4; the American Cap- 
tain's reply to Arnold's question, 
347; 5,000 guineas offered for his 
capture, 348; returns to New 
York, 348; expedition against 
Connecticut, 348; Massacre at 
Fort Griswold, his report, 348; 
receives thanks of Sir Henry 
Clinton, 352; escapes being shot, 
354; sails for England, 355; his 
reflections as he leaves his native 
land, 357; Lord Cornwallis a fel- 
low passenger, 358; reception by 
the King, 359; seen walking with 
the Prince of Wa^es, 359; pre- 
pares "Thoughts on the Ameri- 
can War," 359; this paper 
never before printed, 360; syn- 
opsis of this paper, 361; re- 
ceives £6,315 from the British 
Government, 363; his family 
arms, 363; changes motto, 364; 
the Kings and Queen's kindness, 
364; at Andre's monument, 365; 
refused employment as a 
soldier in England, 367; rea- 
sons for, 368; lives beyond 
his means, 368; fits out a ship for 
the West Indies — goes to, 369; 
removes to St. John's, New 
Brunswick, and enters into busi- 
ness, 370; his sons Richard and 
Henry join him, 370; accused of 
firing his warehouse, 371; re- 
turns to London, 371; meets Tal- 
leyrand, 375; duel with the Earl 
of Lauderdale, 378; particulars of 
duel, 379; again fits out a trading 



INDEX. 



400 
00 



ship and arrives at St. Kitto, 385; 
his escape from the French, 386; 
is taken prisoner and again es- 
capes, 387; receives thanks from 
West India planters, 388; writes 
to Earl Spencer, desiring to be 
employed as a soldier, 389; the 
King grants to him 13,400 acres 
of land in Canada, 389; appeals 
to the Duke of York for service, 
390; his illegitimate son in Cana- 
da, 392; his death, 393; his char- 
acter, 396. 

Arnold, Edward Gladwin, Rev., 
marries, April 27th, 1852, Lady- 
Charlotte, daughter of the Mar- 
quis of Cholmondelay, 410. 

Arnold, Edward Shippen, 
sketch of life; dies at Dinapoor, 
India, 1813, 407. 

Arnold. Hannah, only surviving 
sister of Benedict, 18; never mar- 
ries, 27; praised by Sparks, 28; 
correspondence with Deane, 28; 
takes charge of her brother's 
children, 47; letter to her brother, 
47, 48; visits her brother at Phil- 
adelphia, 233; her letter to Mrs. 
Arnold, 233; her letter on hear- 
ing of her brother's disgnice, 
303; her death, 405. 

Arnold, Henry, son of Benedict 
Arnold, by first wife, 27; mar- 
ried Hannah Ten Eyck, 405 ; 
commissioned heutenant in the 
American Legion, 405: dies in 
Xew York, 405. 

i^RNOLD, George, a lieutenant col- 
onel^ so named by his father af- 
ter Washington and George iV., 
409. 
28 



Arnold, James Roeertson, born 
in New York, 1781; marries Vir- 
ginia Goodrich; rises to rank of 
Lieutenant- General in British 
army, 407; engaged in capture 
of Abouker Castle; in battle of 
Alexandria and in expulsion of 
the French Irom Grand Cairo; 
storms a redoubt, 408; appointed 
aide-de-camp to George the 
Fourth, 408; dies in London, 1854, 
409. 

Arnold, Mrs., maiden name Mar- 
garet Shippen, daughter of 
Chief Justice Shippen — marriage 
of, 231 ; joins her husband at 
West Point, 286; her distress 
when Arnold discloses his posi- 
tion, 295; interview with Wash- 
ington, 301; kindness of Wash- 
ington and officers to, 316; was 
she innocent of her husband's 
crime? 316; Arnold declares her 
innocence, 318; Hamilton and 
Washinuton believe her inno- 
cent, 318; Major Frank's testi- 
mony in her favor, 318; conduct 
incompatible with guilt, 320; 
compelled to leave by the Coun- 
cil of Pennsylvania — follows her 
husband to New York, 321 ; ac- 
companies her husband to Eng- 
land, 355; her fascination and 
beauty — attention of the Queen, 
362; is granted a pension, 363; 
letter to her father. 369; her 
father's reply, 372; letter to Mrs. 
Burd, 372; visits her family in 
Philadelphia, 373; returns to 
London, 373 gives details of her 
husband's duel, 381; letter to 
Richard, 384; announces to 



434 



INDEX. 



Richard and Henry their fath- 
er's death, 394; also to Hannah 
Arnold, 394; executrix of her 
husband, 400; her executive 
ability — ^letters, 400; death of, 
406; character of, 406; her chil- 
dren, from 406-417. 
Arnold, Sophia Matilda, daugh- 
ter of Benedict, born in London, 
July 28th, 1785; marries Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Pownall Phipps — 
death of, 411. 

Arnold, Richard, birth of, 27; 
marries, 405; commissioned Lieu- 
tenant in the American Legion, 
405. 

Arnold, William, an ancestor of 
Benedict, and a contemporary of 
Roger Williams, 16. 

Arnold, William Fitch, captain 
in the 19th Royal Lancers; his 
residence Little Messenden Ab- 
bey, Bucks, 410. 

Arnold, Ben., his death, note 405. 

Arnold, William Trail, brother 
of the Rev. Edward Gladwin Ar- 
nold and grandson of Gen. Ar- 
nold, a captain in the British 
army, 410; in the battles of Lik- 
erman, Alma, and with his reg- 
iment before Sebastopol, 410; 
killed in the trenches — manner 
of his death, 410. 

Atwater, Major, 303. 

B. 

Balcarras, Earl of, 196. 

Bancroft, comparison of British 
fleet with Arnold's III; declares 
Gates had "no fitness for com- 



mand," 165; on battle of Bemis' 
Heights, 175 ; error in stating 
that Arnold was not on the field, 
175; his description of the death 
of Eraser, 208. 

Barlow, Joel, the poet, 21. 

Battles, Notable on the Lakes, 
111. 

Baum, defeat of, near Bennington, 
164. 

Bedell, Colonel, under Arnold 
holds the Cedars — is cashiered, 90. 

Bemis' Heights, position for camp 
at selected by Arnold, 169; posi- 
tion of Armies at, 170; battle of, 
171. 

Bethel, 130. 

Board of Officers io try Andre 
306; reports him a spy and must 
suffer death, 306. 

Boston Massacre, 33. 

Botta, the historian, on Arnold's 
expedition to Quebec, 71. 

Breyman, Colonel, a British officer 
killed in 2nd battle of Saratoga, 
206. 

Bryant, with Capt. Foster at "the 
Cedars," 91; with St. Leger, 141. 

Brown, Lieutenant-Col., his diffi- 
culties with Arnold, 102 ; de- 
mands a Court of Inquiry, 102 ; 
inquiry refused by Generals 
Wooster, Gates, Schuyler, and 
Commissioners of Congress, 103 ; 
letter of Schuyler criticising 
Brown, 103. 

Brunswick, English retire to, 137. 

Buchanan, James, British Consul 



IIS^DEX. 



435 



at New York, removes Andre's 
remains to Westminster Abbey, 
815. 

BuRD, Mrs., sister of Mrs. Arnold, 
letter to, 372. 

BuRGOYNE, General, connected by- 
marriage with house of Derby — a 
Foldier in Spain, 143 ; moves to- 
wards Crown Point with his 
army, 143 ; reports American 
army ruined, 145 ; battle of 19th 
Sept., 170 ; speaks of Arnold's 
bravery in battle of 19th Sept., 
186 ; Battle, Oct. 7th, 195 ; at- 
tempts to retreat, 209 ; surren- 
ders, 209 ; describes the burial 
of Fraser, 208. 

Burr, Aaron, a volunteer with 
Arnold, 51 ; his charge that Mrs. 
Arnold was privy to her hus- 
band's treachery, 316; motives, 
820. 

c. 

Cambridge, 36, 45, 47, 49. 

Carleton, Guy, Sir, brings rein- 
forcements to Quebec, 78; treats 
the prisoners with kindness, 86; 
occupies St. Johns, 106; prepares 
a fleet for Lake Champlain, 106; 
at battle of Valcour Island, 102; 
at court with Arnold, 359. 

Carrtngton, General, statement 
of Arnold's conduct at Bemis' 
Heights, 189; at Saratoga, 202. 

Carroll, Charles, appointed 
commissioner to Canada, 90; vis- 
its Arnold's headquarters. 90; 
defends Arnold's conduct in re- 
moval of goods at Montreal, 102. 

Carroll, John, Rev., first Roman 



Catholic Archbishop of the Uni- 
ted States, accompanies commis- 
sionors to Canada, 90. 

"Cedars," The, 90, 91. 

Chase, Samuel, Comissioner to 
Canada, 90; letter to Arnold, 122. 
Chamblay, 95. 

Champlain, Lake, description of 
105; naval battle on, 112-114. 

Champe, Sergeant, Agent of Maj. 
Lee to kidnap Arnold, 336 ; his 
attempt, 337. 

Chester, Major, 183. 

Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, 
273. 

Clinton, Henry, Sir, conspiracy 
with Arnold. 284; realizes impor- 
tance of West Point, 287; in- 
formed by Arnold of Andre's 
capture, 302; his letter to Wash- 
ington in regard to Andre, 306 ; 
his letter to Lord George Ger- 
main on behalf of Arnold, 358. 

Cochran, Maj., report of, describ- 
ing Arnold's battle -on the 19th 
Sept., 186. 

Congress, of Massachusetts, 
thanks Arnold for his services, 43. 

Congress of United States, ap- 
points Commissioners to Canada, 
80 ; elects five Major- Generals, 
126 ; presents a horse to Arnold, 
133; passes a resolution of thanks, 
133; declares charges of Brown 
cruel, but refuses his proper rank, 
135 ; action in regard to Warren's 
children, 220. 

Connecticut, Arnold returns 
from, 284. 



436 



IXDEX. 



Cooper, James Fenimore, 299. 

CoRNWALLis, Lord, surrenders to 
Washing-ton, 355: a fellow pas- 
senger wiLh x^rnold to England, 
358; letters of Arnold to, 388; 
uses his interests in behalf of Ar- 
nold's sons, 392. 

Cramaha, Lieutenant Governor, 

77. 

Crown Point, 37; Arnold pro- 
ceeds to, 96; retreat from, 96. 

Croskie, Captain, duel with Ar- 
nold, 31. 

Curtis, George William:, ora- 
tion on Bemis' Heights, 161. 

D. 

Davis, Mathew L., biographer, 
of Burr, 316; charges against Mrs. 
Arnold, 317. 

Dakburt, 130. 

Deane, Barxabas, 45. 

Deane, Silas, writes of the bad 
treatment of Arnold, 45. 

Dead River, the. 53, 

Dearborn, Captain, in the expe- 
dition to Quebec, 66; 197. 

Deblois, Miss, Arnold in love with, 
D. 

Description, personal, of Arnold, 
by Downing, 29; by John C. 
Warren, 221; by Rev. J. L. 
Leake, 29. 

Downing, personal description of 
Arnold, 29; on Arnold's conduct 
in battle, 190. 

DucoxDRAY, a French officer, 129. 

Duel, Arnold's with Captain Cros- 
kie, 31 ; with Earl of Lauderdale, 
376. 



E. 

Education, Arnold's early, 23. 
Elliot, Andrew, Lieutenant Gen- 
eral, 308. 

English, view of Arnold's conduct, 
273. 

Enos, Roger, abandons Arnold's 
expedition, 65; trial put under 
arrest by Washington, 69. 

Expeditions, Arnold's, to Ticon- 
deroga, 37; to Quebec, 53; into 
Virginia, 342; into Connecticut, 
348. 

F. 

Family, of Arnold, 405. 

Fairfield, 130. 

FoBT Dayton, council held at, 155. 

Fort Griswold, so called massa- 
cre at, 348. 

Fort Trumbull, 348. 

Foster, Senator, relates incidents 

of Arnold's conduct at Saratoga, 

204. 

Fox. Charles James, the second 
of the Earl of Lauderdale, in duel 
with Arnold, 378. 

Franklin, Benjamin, eomniis- 
sioned by Congress to Canada, 
90; at Arnold's Head-Quarters, 
90. 

Franks, Major, declared innocent 
by Arnold, 300; denial of Mrs. 
Arnold's knowledge of her hus- 
band's treason, 318; accompanies 
Mrs. Arnold to Philadelphia, 316. 

Frazer, Major- General, 143; at 
Saratoga mortally wounded, 199; 
his death — picked off by Mor- 



INDEX. 



437 



gan's riflemen at ArnolcVs sug- 
gestion, 200; burial, 207. 

Freemasons, Washington & Ar- 
nold at lodge of, 148. 

French War, the old, 24. 

G. 

Gansevoort, at Fort Stanwix, in- 
invested by St. Leger, 149; re- 
fuses to surrender, 149; Arnold 
relieves him, 158. 

Gates, General, letter to Arnold, 
51 ; at Crown Point, 96 ; supports 
Arnold in affair of Col. Hazen, 
101 ; informs Congress that Ar- 
nold has undertaken to command 
fleet, 107; returns thanks to Ar- 
nold after battle of Valcour Is- 
land, 120; supersedes Schuyler, 
165; concentrates the Northern 
army on Bemis Heights, 166; 
thinks of superseding Washing- 
ton, 168; not on the field at 
Bemis Heights, 174; in report to 
Congress makes no mention of 
Arnold, 177; Pique against Liv- 
ingston, 183; desires the whole 
credit against Burgoyne, 193; 
drives Arnold to demand a pass 
to Washington, 194; indebted to 
Arnold for his laurels, 209; Bur- 
goyne surrenders, and Gates is 
thanked by Congress, 210; Con- 
gress votes him a medal, 213. 

Genealogy, of the Arnold family, 
18. 

Germain, Lord, Burgoyne reports 
condition of American army to, 
144; letters to, from Sir Henry 
Clinton, in behalf of Arnold, 358. 

German Flats, 155. 



Gibson, Mrs. 318. 

Green, Nathaniel, requests per- 
mission to retire from the service, 
129; confers with English officers 
who came to Washington on be- 
half of Andre, 308; note to Gen- 
eral Robertson, informing him of 
Washington's decision, 308. 

'Green Mountain Boys, '45. 

H. 

Hale, Nathan, hanged as a spy 
by the British, 305. 

Hamilton, Col. Alex., carries 
Washington's message to Mrs. 
Arnold, 295; aide to Washington, 
299; attempts to capture Arnold 
— fails, 299; his letter touching 
Mrs, Arnold — declares her inno- 
cent — letter on Andre's death, 
309; refuses to propose to Andre 
his exchange for Arnold, 311. 

Hampton Roads, Arnold at, 342. 

Harrington, Earl of, 376. 

Hawke, Lord, Arnold's second in 
duel, 378; endorses Arnold's state- 
ment of the duel, 381. 

Hartford, Washington visits 
French officers at, 294. 

Hazen, Col., charges made against 
by Arnold — his trial by Court- 
Martial, 98. 

Heath, General, Statement of, in 
regard to Arnold's treatment of 
crew of his barge, 297; his ac- 
count of expedition against New 
London, 353. 

Henry's Journal, 62, 65, 66 to 70. 

Henry, Patrick, 35. 



438 



INDEX. 



Hekkimek, General, advances to 
the relief of Fort Schuyler, 149; 
caught in an ambush, 151; battle 
of Oriskany; death of, 152; county 
and town named for him, 152. 

Hon Yost, Schuyler, sentenced to 
death as a spy, 159; his ruse to 
relieve Fort Schuyler, 161. 

HoNiTON, 273. 

Horsemanship, Arnold's, 27. 

Howe, General, threatens Philadel- 
phia, but retires to Brunswick, 
137; with a British army takes 
possession of Philadelphia, 222; 
he and his officers pass a gay win- 
ter in that city, 223. 

Hudson, Arnold ofierd command 
of the, 134. 

I. 

Irving, "Washington, the conduct 
of Arnold in naval affairs on the 
lakes, 105; battle of Bemis 
Heights, 187; Arnold's dispute 
with authorities of Philadelphia, 
238; Reed's personal hostility to 
Arnold, 243: time when Arnold 
first entertained thoughts of trea- 
son, 283. 

J. 

Jameson, Lieut. Col., Andre 
brought prisoner to, — sends to 
Washington papers found on An- 
dre, 292 : sends to Arnold state- 
ment of the arrest of John Ander- 
son, 292. 

Jay, John, Colonel Livingstone 
goes to Spain as his secretary, 
185; letter in regard to Arnold, 
241. 



Jamestown, 343. 

James River, The, 343. 

Jefferson, 341 ; Governor of Vir- 
ginia, 343; offers reward for Ar- 
nold, 347. 

Jewett, Dr., Arnold at school of, 
24. 

Johnson, Sir John, with St. Leger 
in the valley of the Mohawk, 141. 

Johnson, Sir William, a Tory on 
the Mohawk, 142. 

K. 

Kennebec, river, 50. 

King George, the Fourth, Ar- 
nold's reception by, 359. 

King's Ferry, 284. 

Knox, Gen., resigns conditionally, 
129; with Washington at Hart- 
ford, 294. 

Knox, Mrs. Arnold's letter to, 125. 

L. 

LaPayette, aide to Washington, 
with Washington at Hartford, 
294; at West Point, 294; Wash- 
ington discloses Arnold's treason 
to, 299; instructed to execute Ar- 
nold, if captured, 338; sent 
against Arnold, 343. 

Lake George, 41. 

Lamb, Gen'l, in the assault on Que- 
bec, 82; Arnold's friendship for, 
125; Arnold procures his ex- 
change, and furnishes £1,000 to- 
wards expenses of raising his reg- 
iment, 125; his defense of Arnold 
at Gates' dinner, (note) 206. 

Larvey, Corporal, his reply to Ar- 
nold, 297. 



IIS^DEX. 



439 



Lauderdale, Earl of, duel with 
Arnold, 376. 

Laukens, Col. Henry, Hamilton's 
letter to, on Andre's trial, 306 
President of Congress — ex- 
changed for Comwallis, 358. 

Learned, General, 154. 

Lee, Major, undertakes to kidnap 
Arnold, 386. 

Lee, Richard Henry, writes to 
Jefferson of Arnold's persecution, 
135. 

Lexington, battle of, 35. 

Livingston, writes to Schuyler, 
169; explains cause of quarrel be- 
tween Arnold and Gates, 169; 
letters to Schuyler from Bemis' 
Heights, 180; marries sister of 
John Jay, 185; becomes justice of 
the Supreme Court of the United 
States, 185. 

Lincoln, General, elected Major 
General, 126; given by Gates' 
command of right wing at sec- 
ond battle of Saratoga, 195; at 
Albany, 213. 

London Chronicle, 273. 

Lord, Rev. Dr., restores Arnold to 
his mother, 24. 

LossiNG on General Arnold at Val- 
cour Island, 117; his conduct at 
Bemis Heights, 188; "officers 
and soldiers had lost coniBdence 
in Gates," 194. 

Loyalists, during the Revolution, 
340. 

Luzerne, 282; his interview with 
Arnold, as given by Marbois, 

'"»82. 



M. 

Macauley, Lord, on Churchill's 
desertion of James, 279. 

Mahon, Lord, condemns Washing- 
ton for ordering the execution of 
Andre, 322. 

Mansfield, Margaret, first wife of 
Arnold, 27; death of, 47. 

Marbois, states that a letter writ- 
ten by Robinson was found among 
Arnold's papers, 275; that Arnold 
tried to obtain 'a loan from Lu- 
zerne, 282, 283. 

Marriage, Arnold's first, 27; sec- 
ond, 231. 

Martin, Prof., Law of Nations re- 
lating to a spy, 324. 

Massachusetts, commissions Ar- 
nold Colonel, 38; commissioners 
of, sent to Ticonderoga, 44. 

Marshall, John, on the expedi- 
tion to Quebec, 89: battle of Val- 
cour Island, 120; distress of troops 
at time of Arnold's treason, 273. 

McLain, Colonel, 77. 

McCrea, Jane, story of, 145. 

McDougal, General, letter of 
Washington to, in regard to Ar- 
nold, 134. 

Middletown, 213. 

Mischienza, the famous, 224. 

Mifflin, elected major-general, 
126. 

Mohawk, valley of the, 141. 

Morristown, Arnold at, 34. 

Morgan, Daniel, a captain in Ar- 
nold's expedition to Quebec, 51 ; 
leads his riflemen in the assaiilt 



440 



INDEX. 



on, 82; taken prisoner, 83; at 
battle of Saratoga directs rifle- 
men to pick off Fraser, 200. 

Montgomery, captures St. Johns 
and Montreal, 79; joins Arnold, 
79; killed in assault upon Que- 
bec, 81; his friendship for Ar- 
nold, 80. 

MoNTRESOR, Colonel, 50. 
Montrose, 273. 

Montreal, Allen's unfortunate 
dash at, 46; Wooster in command 
at, 83; Arnold takes command 
of, 88. 

]sr. 

Nat^nis, an Indian chief, 55. 

Nelson, Lord, 164. 

New Castle, Andre prisoner at, 

291. 
New Haven, 19; 130; 303. 
Newark, 336. 
New London, expedition against, 

848. 
New York, Arnold arrives at, 302. 
North, Lord, 355. 
Norwalk, Tryon at, 132. 
Norwich, 19; occupants of the old 

Arnold mansion at, 19; Arnold 

ordered to, 124. 

o. 

Oriskany, Battle of, 151. 
Oswego, 141. 

P. 

Paine, Thomas, 341. 

Papers, found in Andre's boots, 
291; sent on to Washmgton, 292. 

Parsons, Col. Samuel H., letter to 



Governor Trumbull, about Ticon- 
deroga, 42. 
Pass, should Arnold's pass protect 
Andre? 324. 

Paulding, John, one of the cap- 
tors of Andre, 291. 

Peace, between United States and 
Great Britain, 367. 

Peace Commissioners, New, rec- 
ommended by Arnold, 361. 

Peekskill, 134. 

Pellew, afterwards Viscount Ex- 
mouth,'at battle of Valcour Island, 
112. 

Peters, Rev. Samuel, gives anec- 
dote of Arnold, 35. 

Petersburgh, Arnold at, 361. 

Phillips, General, under Bur- 
goyne, 143; sent to Arnold in 
Virginia, 343; captured with Bur- 
goyne — and death of, 347. 

Philadelphia, evacuated by the 
British, 222; life in that city, 223. 

Pitt, Mr., 376. 

Point Levi, Arnold at, 75. 

Point-aux-Trembles, Arnold's 

camp at, 79. 
Point- a-Peter, Arnold at, 386. 

' ' Poor Ben, ' ' General Arnold's old- 
est son, 404; death of, 405. 

Portland, Duke of orders the 
grant of lauds to Arnold, 389. 

Portsmouth, Virginia, Arnold 
marches to, 343. 

Provost, Mrs., wife of Colonel 
Burr, 317. 

Putnam, General, leaves his plough 



INDEX. 



441 



and joins Arnold, 36; at dinner 
with Lamb, &c., (note) 206. 

Q. 

Quebec, the Gibralter of America, 
49; details of Arnold's expedition 
to 53-73; assault on, 80-83. 

E. 

Ralle, Father, 59. 

Rediesel, General, 143. 

Reed, General, persecution of Ar- 
nold; makes charges against; 
letter to Gen. Green, 240; circu- 
lar with charges widely circu- 
lated; his hostility personal, 243. 

Richmond, Arnold at, 343. 

Richmond, Duke of, 376. 

Robertson, Lieut. General, 308. 

Robinson, Beverly, Loyalist, tra- 
dition of meeting between him 
and Arnold, 274; their conversa- 
tion, 277; has the confidence of 
Sir Henry Chnton, 285; intercedes 
for Andre, 308. 

RoMiLLY, the English jurist, con- 
siders Andre a spy, 326. 

s. 

Sabine, says that Robinson was in 
communication with Arnold be- 
fore the latter went to West 
Point, 275; the number of the 
Loyalists according to, 335. Says 
" Ben " was driven from the 
service, 405. 

Saratoga, Battle of, 19th Sept., 
171; second battle of, 196. 

Sargent, did Arnold offer to sur- 
render himself for Andre? 311, 
312. 



Scott, Major, 100. 

Scott, Sir Walter, 338. 

Schuyler, Philip, General, com- 
manding a provincial company, 
25; leads an army into Canada, 
50; writes to Washington of the 
assault on Quebec, 85; with Ar- 
nold and Gates at Crown Point, 
and retreat to Ticonderoga, 96: 
supports Arnold in difficulty with 
Colonel Brown, 103; glad to hear 
Arnold is to command the fleet, 
107; is censured for retiring be- 
fore Burgoyne, 145; retreats to 
Stillwater, 148; determines to re- 
lieve Fort Stanwix, 153; his call 
for volunteers to conduct the ex- 
pedition, 154; superseded by 
Gates, 165; letter to Varick in re- 
gard to Arnold, 193; letter to 
Arnold after his trial, 263. 

Schuyler, Miss, engaged to Col. 
Hamilton, 301 ; letters from Ham- 
ilton to, 301,309. 

Senter, Dr., his journal, 83. 

SiiippEN, Edward, Chief Justice, 
224; his daughters, 227; portrait 
of, 393; death of, 413. 

Shippen, Miss Peggy, in the Mis- 
chienza, 224; her beauty, 227. 

SiLLiMAN, General, assists in re- 
pelling Tryon, 130. 

"Six Nations, The," 150. 

Skene, Major, 41. 

Smith, Chief Justice, 308. 

Smith, Joshua Hitt, statement 
of, regarding correspondence be- 
tween Arnold and Beverly Rob- 
inson, 276; Arnold and Andre 



442 



INDEX. 



breakfast at house of, 283; Ar- 
nold g-ives pass to, 288; Andre 
passes the day at house of, 290; 
acts as guide to Andre, 290. 

Sparks, on letters of Hannah Ar- 
nold, 28; explains Arnold's seiz- 
ure of goods at Montreal, 101; 
praises Arnold's bravery at Val- 
cour Island, 117; praises his mag- 
nanimity in volunteering against 
Burgoyne, 139; his account of 
second battle of Saratoga. 208 

Spy, was Andre a, 322; Vattel's 
definition of, 824. 

Stanwix Fokt, where city of 
Rome, N. Y., now is, 148; siege 
of, 141; relief of by Arnold, 158. 

St. Clair, elected Major-General, 
126; occupies Ticonderoga, 148; 
retreats from, 144; censured for, 
145. 

Stanley, Dean, Americans at 
Andre's Monument, 865. 

Stark, Col., fights battle of Ben- 
nington, 165. 

Stephen, elected Major-General, 

126. 
Stirling, commissioned Mujor- 

General by Congress, 126. 

Stirling, Sir Walter, presents 
Arnold to the King, 859. 

Stories, of Arnold's boyhood, 21. 

St. Leger, expedition of, into the 
valley of the Mohawk, 141 ; de- 
mands the surrender of Fort 
Schuyler, 152 ; flees at Arnold's 
approach, 161. 

St. Johns, captured by Arnold, 41 ; 
occupied by the English, 106. 



St. Johns, New Brunswick, Arnold 
removes to, 370. 

Sullivan, General, letter on Ar- 
nold's retreat from Canada, 95 ; 
retreats to Crown Point, 96 ; 
sends in resignation, 129. 

T. 

Talleyrand, meeting of, with Ar- 
nold, 875. 

Tallmadge, Major, arrives at the 
Robinson House with Andre, 304; 
their conversation on the way, 
804; his friendship for Andre, 
804; advises Andre of his fate, 
305. 

Tappan, Andre hanged as a spy 
at, 309. 

Tarleton, the beauty of Mrs. Ar- 
nold, 362. 

Tarrytown, Andre taken at, 293. 

Teller's Point, 297. 

Ticonderoga, Arnold proposes ex- 
pedition to, 37; captured, 40; ac- 
cusations made against Arnold 
at, 96. 

Treason, Arnold's, 265, 287, 293; 
furore against him on news of, 
303. 

Tryon, Governor, invasion of Con- 
necticut by, 180; at Norwalk and 
Compo, 132. 

Trumbull, Governor, writes of 
capture of Ticonderoga, 42. 

Y. 

Valcour Island, Arnold sails to, 
109;. naval battle off, 112; Ar- 
nold's bravey at, spoken of by 



INDEX. 



443 



Gates, 118, Varick. 119, Lossing-, 
117, Cooper, 118, Irving, 105, 
Sparks, 117. 

Varick, Richard, letter to Gates 
after battle of Valcour Island, 
119; secretary of Schuyler, 168; 
a friend of Schuyler and Arnold, 
169; his opinion of Gates, 175; 
his letter, 179; his letter from 
camp Sept. 25, 1777, to Schuyler, 
]84, his ignorance of Arnold's 
treason, 300. 

Vattel, his definition of a spy, 
324. 

A^erplank's Point, Arnold signals 
the Vulture at, 297. 

Vulture, The, a British sloop of 
war, brings Andre and Robinson 
up the Hudson, 237; takes Arnold 
on board, 297; takes him to New- 
York, 302, 

w. 

Warren, General Joseph, his 
friendship for Arnold, 38; letter 
to authorities of Conn, about 
Arnold, 40,41; his children, aid 
to, by Arnold, 216, 217. 

Warren, John C. meets Arnold at 
Margate, 221. 

Washington, George, under the 
British flag, 25; censures Allen, 
46; afriend of Arnold, 47; selects 
Arnold to command expedition to 
Quebec, 48; gives Arnold his in- 
structions, 50; letter to Schuyler 
about Arnold, 64; his joy at Ar- 
nold's safe arrival, letter to Schy- 
ler, 70; concern on hearing of 
Arnold's being wounded, letter to 



Schuyler, 85; suggests to Gates to 
appoint Arnold to command fleet 
on the Lakes, 108; begs Arnold 
in letter not to resign after he was 
superseded, 127; asks Lee why 
Arnold was superseded, 128; 
letter to Arnold expressing sur- 
prise that he did not see his 
(Arnold's) name among the Ma- 
ior-Generals, 128; writes to Pres- 
ident of Congress: "General 
Arnolds' promotion gives me 
much pleasure," 134; offers him 
command of the Hudson, 134; 
letter to Congress in regard to 
Arnold's vindication, 134; letter 
to Congress requesting that 
Arnold be sent north to repel 
Burgoyne, 138; repeats this re- 
quest, 139; sends Arnold to join 
Schuyler, 147; letter to Schuyler 
in praise of Arnold, 147; also 
letter to Heath, 147; sends Ar- 
nold commission, giving his 
proper rank, 210: letter to Ar- 
nold presenting epaulettes and 
sword-knots, 215; gives him 
command of Philadelphia, 222; 
his trial, 248; letters to Reed 
and Arnold about his trial, 248; 
reprimands Arnold, 261; anxious 
about final success, 273; gives 
Arnold command of West Point, 
284; visits the French officers 
at Hartford— at West Point, 
294; Hamilton hands to him 
the papers found on Andre, 
29^); " whom can we trust 
now? " 299; refers Andre's case 
to a board of general officers, 
306; his 'etter to Pir Henry Clin- 



//c 



444 



INDEX. 



ton, 307 ; receives second letter 
from Clinton, 308; might not 
AVashington have spared Andre ? 
327; approves of plan to kidnap 
Arnold, 336; his letter to Major 
Lee, 337; Cornwallis surrenders 
to, 355. 

Waterman, Hannah, maiden 

name of mother of Arnold, 17; 

her genealogy, 18; her character, 

20. 
Webb, Col, 45. 
West Indies, Arnold sails to, 33; 

369; 385; 389. 

West Point, military position, 
284; Washington gives command 
of, to Arnold, 284; the Robinson 
House, 287. 

Westminster Abbey, Andre's re- 
mains removed to — his monu- 
ment, 315; Arnold at, 365. 

Wilkinson, Adjutant-general to 
Gates, 175; his statement regard- 
ing the battle of 19th September, 
175; write his memoirs thirty 
years after the battle, 177. 



Williams, David, one of the cap- 
tors of Andre, 291. 

Williams, Roger, 17. 

WiLLETT, Marinus, Col., Under 
Gansevoort at Fort Schuyler, 149. 

Wolfe, death of, 76. 

Woodruff, Samuel, 200. 

WoosTER, Gen., wants Arnold to 
wait for regular orders, 36; in 
command at Montreal, 83: in 
command at Quebec, 88; refuses 
Brown's demand for court of in- 
quiry, 103; mortally wounded at 
Ridgefield, 130. 

Wyncoop, refuses to obey orders of 
Arnold, and ordered by Gates to 
be put under arrest, 110; through 
Arnold's request, not cashiered, 
111. 

Y. 

York, Duke of, Arnold appeals to, 
for military service, 390. 

YoRKTOWN, Lord Cornwallis sur- 
renders at, 358. 



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